Article Archive
Nicholas I & II, Part 1
The following was published in Meriwether Connections, vol 12 number 4, Oct-Dec 1993.
NICHOLAS I & II
by Maurice W. Kendall, Chairman, Family History Committee
One Society Family History target is to encourage family research by members of The Society. The previous two articles on "Nicholas I's Children" were intended to spur interest in the verification of our heritage and provide new facts useful to its revision. There are tremendous numbers of new compilations, abstracts, and transcriptions of pertinent family history records now in print that just a few years ago were unavailable in any useful form to the family researcher. These usually can be found in local or regional libraries, and so the role of all members in identifying them and calling them to the attention of our Family Group Representatives is of great importance.
Those publications are by definition "secondary sources" requiring further evaluation or verification of the events identified or information provided. Nonetheless, such clues become an essential travel guide that leads us to the new facts we need. By such an effort each generation of family researchers builds on the level of problems solved by the previous one.
One of the significant problems solved by Heath was to sort out the two earliest Nicholas in America. Apparently this had confused some earlier writers [NHM, pp. xii & 40]. He, together with Duncan Meriwether, appear to have arrived at their conclusions by an analysis of available factual information, not direct evidence from a primary source stating the relationship. Aligning known dates and records such as Thomas's will [1708/9, NHM, p.45] provided the basis for sound determinations, though based on circumstantial or indirect evidence. Accepting the stated date of Nicholas II's birth, identifying the two individuals as Nicholas I and II seems conclusive. Perhaps. It is true there is a disposition (Boddie, Colonial Surry, p. 216) [NHM, p.5], which we have yet to check, where Nicholas I states his age. There is also a footnote in the Virginia Magazine of History and Biography [NHM, p. 63] giving Nicholas II's birth date as 20 Oct 1667, but with no supporting documentation. "Caution light." That source and its author need evaluation. That note might be based on an earlier Meriwether author, i.e. we may be using a source to corroborate itself. Accepting the known date of Nicholas II's death as 1744, a birth date of 1647 [NHM, p. 40] does seem unlikely. Still, the Surry Co. tithable lists [Meriwether Connections, Vol. XII, April 1993] suggest his birth date may be before 1667.
New research now provides direct evidence proving the relationships of the two Nicholas's (Hopkins, Surry County Deeds 1684-1733, p. 81). On 16 Jun 1711, William Meriwether, a son of Nicholas II [NHM, p. 67], sold 1280 acres in two tracts on "Blackwater at Cypress Swamp and Pidgeon Swamp." That is further described as "land granted on 14 May 1666 and 25 Apr 1667 to Nicholas Meriwether, Gent., late of Surry County who was the grandfather of the said William Meriwether [underlining added]." This land came to William Meriwether by the will of Thomas Meriwether of Essex County, 7 Jan 1708/9 [NHM, p.45], his uncle. Now we can cite a primary source, i.e., a deed (Surry Co. Deeds, Wills, Etc., No. 6, 1709-1715, p.65) created at or near the time of the event, as direct evidence proving the relationship. Great! We no longer need depend on the preponderance of evidence standard. Thomas's will and available Virginia land patents (Cavaliers & Pioneers, Vols. II & III [C & P]) now act to corroborate that conclusion.
It now also seems evident Nicholas I disposed of his Surry County lands to his underage sons in some manner. We know his wife, Elizabeth, was the administratix [NHM, p.63]. Does a will exist? Certainly Heath would have published it had he found it. He cites the source where it should be found. Nonetheless, we can see the disposition of Nicholas I's Surry Co. lands to his sons. Heath reports Francis sold the Island house in 1695 [NHM, pp. 32-36] which Nicholas I had repatented 6 Nov 1661. We know Thomas owned the 1280 acres he willed to his nephew William (above). Now we find that on 9 May 1693, Nicholas Meriwether [II] of New Kent County, Gent., sold to his brother-in-law Francis Clements of Surry County the 651 acres called Indian Spring [Hopkins, p.39]. As part of that action Elizabeth (Crafford) relinquished her right of dower and signed her "X." David Crafford, apparently her father, was one of the witnesses. Indian Spring, patented by Nicholas I on 25 Apr 1667, stayed in Meriwether hands a little longer. Nicholas II's sister Elizabeth married Francis Clements.
As an aside to the above, since this article serves the dual purpose of illustrating our research standards as well as reporting new information, Duncan Meriwether [NHM, p.5] noted Nicholas I acquired 430 acres in 1666 and 650 acres in 1677 in Surry Co. In fact the 650 acres figure should be 850 acres [C & P, Vol.II, p.13/PB6, pp.46-47] which when added to 430 provides the 1280 acres William sold. Interestingly, Boddie, p.175, had the same error. Verify secondary sources!
Combining the above information with the Surry County tithable list discussed in the April newsletter suggests the Meriwether family likely remained at Indian Spring after Nicholas I died in 1678 until they matured, Nicholas II gaining the Indian Spring property itself, perhaps in 1686 when he first appears on the tithable list. Was he then age 21 or had his mother, Elizabeth [Woodhouse] just died and he took procession? We need more evidence to be sure, but a 1687 Surry County Militia List includes Nicholas II as one "qualified in either estate or person to find and maintain a man and horse or to go themselves when occasion shall require" [Boddie, p.211]. That could be age 16, but when combined with the 1678 tithable list where he reportedly owned three slaves, it strongly suggests maturity. Perhaps more importantly, Francis is not on the militia list, indicating he was not age 16 until the next year when he appears in the household of Colonel William Browne, whose son, Captain Browne married Nicholas I's daughter, Jane.
We now have three pieces of evidence suggesting Nicholas II is older than Francis and likely the oldest son: (1) the tithable lists; (2) the militia list; and (3) Nicholas inherited the home place. Society member and family researcher, Monte Monroe, further supports that view (4) with information from Henry Hartwell's English will, proved 2 Aug 1699 (Waters, Genealogical Gleanings in England, Vol. I, p.313). In a codicil Uncle Hartwell bequeathed £200 to Nicholas II and only a £100 to each of his siblings. The influence of primogeniture is evident.
Summing up. We now have direct evidence proving Nicholas II was Nicholas I's son and clear and convincing evidence, with no known counter-indicators, that he was the oldest son. We still need more information about the others. Keep looking. Our collective research can fill in the missing pieces about Nicholas I and his children.
I received my July issue of Meriwether Connections after I'd written the above, and then learned I owed you some "block-buster" findings (Editor's words, not mine) in this issue. In truth I have found a fact that impacts to a marked degree on how we view the early years of Nicholas I's family. I plan to cover that in some detail, after some further study, in the next issue. Meanwhile, I'll share the basic information on the premise some of you might have further details helpful in the evaluation.
Recall how after study of transcripts of the Surry Co. Tithable lists, 1668-1703, as opposed to incomplete, selected indexes (Connections, April 1993), we identified a close relationship between the Colonel William Browne family and the Meriwether household following Nicholas I's death. Accepting that his daughter, Jane, married Major William Browne (NHM, p.29), we then erroneously speculated she was the oldest child, only with new evidence to prove she married, instead, the younger, Captain William Browne (Connections, July 1993). It turns out we were on the right track, we just had the wrong Meriwether lady.
It was Elizabeth (Woodhouse?) Meriwether who married Lt. Col. William Browne. The Surry County Order Book, 1671-1691 (p.302), in an item recorded 6 Jul 1680, which states: "...Exit. Corpus. Edward Napkin conffesseth Judgmt. to Lt. Coll. Wm. Browne as marryeing ye. Executrix of Mr. Ni. Meriwether forÉ" Truthfully, I suppose we should have expected and looked for Elizabeth to remarry. Maybe some of you did and knew that, but I didn't. Her remarriage explains a lot we wondered about.
Nicholas I died 19 Dec 1678 (NHM, p.38). We know he was alive on 5 Nov 1678 when he was present, together with Lt. Collo. Browne, as one of the justices of the Surry Co. Court (OB1671-1691, p.226). He is not present at the court held the next day or thereafter.
We also know Nicholas I was dead before 4 Mar 1678/9 (OB1671-1691, p.245) when Mrs. Eliz. Meriwether, Extx., Mr. Nicho. Meriwether, deced., was in court representing his estate. The last record we have of her so acting is on 6 Jan 1679/80 (OB1671-1691, p.286); thereafter, Col. Browne performed that obligation.
Nicholas I's relick, Elizabeth, remarried sometime between 6 Jan and 6 Jul 1680, something over a year after he died. At that time none of Nicholas I's children had reached maturity and most were not yet teenagers. His youthful, fatherless family would be sheltered during their formative years by one of the most important men of Surry County. Elizabeth's selection would prove to be wise!
The Surry County Tithable Lists did reflect reality. Finding the right interpretation was the problem. The more facts assembled, the better the translation. In a future article I'll attempt to relate the above to other research results for your critical review. Meanwhile, if anyone has further similar facts about these early Meriwether colonists, the time to let me know is NOW.
Copyright 1996 by The Meriwether Society, Inc.
Nicholas I & II, Part 2
The following was published in Meriwether Connection, vol 13 number 1, Jan-Mar 1994.
Nicholas I & II (cont.)
by Maury Kendall
Going Back. Where were we? In the last article direct evidence [P2] proved: (1) Nicholas II was the son of Nicholas I; (2) his relick, Elizabeth (Woodhouse?) Meriwether, married Lt. Col. William Browne some thing over a year after Nicholas I (NiI) died; and (3) he did so sometime between 19 Dec 1678 and 4 Mar 1678/9. Also clear and convincing evidence [P3] proved that Nicholas II (NiII) was older than his brother, Francis, and probably the oldest son.
Now. Let's build on that and begin reconstructing some of those colonial Meriwether families, recognizing that no single known document does so. As noted above, such accounts will be combinations of facts, deductions. assumptions, and speculations. Try to identify each.
Who Existed? The extent of the first colonial generation of Meriwethers in the English American colonies is not yet known. The relationship of Jo: Merywether, Thomas Merywether, and Rich. Merewether (NHM, pp.24-25) to our known ancestors remains an active research objective, currently pursued by Monte Monroe. We'll leave those targets and others for later analysis.
Direct evidence [P2] does exist proving Francis I and Jane (Meriwether) Hartwell were siblings of Nicholas I. Certainly we know NiI existed in early Virginia. The many consistent references to him found in tax, order, and deed book records outline his span of life and corroborate [P1] his existence.
The Mother. There is ample direct evidence in Surry Co., VA court records that NiI had a wife named Elizabeth, who, when widowed, then married Lt. Col. Wm. Browne, Sr. in 1680 [P1]. We have found no direct evidence as to her maiden name; although, a circumstantial case for Woodhouse [P6] may be constructed.
The Second Generation. Heath properly cited documentation establishing the existence of NiI's six children [P2]: (1) Events related to son William's death provide proof that NiII, William, and Elizabeth were siblings and she was alive and married to Capt. Fra. Clements on 21 Apr 1695 (NHM, pp.41-42-verified; Haun V, p.57) [P2]. (2) About 13 years later, Thomas's will dated 7 Jan 1708/9 identified his sib lings as NiII, New Kent Co.; Francis, Essex Co.; and Jane, wife of Wm. Browne of Surry Co. (NHM, p.45; Dorman, Essex, D&W, 1707-11, 1963, pp.47-48 & 50-verified) [P2]. (3) Corroborating evidence is found in Henry Hartwell's 3 Jul 1699 will, provided by Monte Monroe, in which Nicholas, Francis, Thomas, and Jane were identified (Waters, p.313-not verified) [P1]. Heath acknowledged his lack of evidence establishing the order of birth of NiI's children. Based on new considerations, we will give it a try. Why?
Order of Birth. Accepting that Elizabeth (Woodhouse?) Meriwether married Lt. Col. William Browne, Sr. sometime between 6 Jan and 6 Jun 1680, knowing the relative ages of Meriwether children takes on new meaning. For example, if NiII was in fact born on 26 Oct 1667, he was age twelve and still considered an infant when he joined Col. Browne's household in 1680. His younger siblings probably grew to maturity with an incomplete knowledge of their father, NiI, and his family. Conversely, Aunt Jane (Meriwether?) Hartwell's presence during the next 15 years, until 1695, may have been more important to our family heritage than earlier realized. (Note: Jane may not have been a Meriwether at all.)
Elizabeth was the oldest child. An early Surry Co. court record proves that Fra. Clements married Elizabeth Clough, Exrx. of Mr. Jno Clough, between 4 Sep 1683, when Clough was known to be alive, and 5 Jan 1685/6 (Haun IV, pp.43 & 44) [P2]. In the absence of evidence to the contrary, we have to assume this is the same Elizabeth, nee Meriwether, identified in 1695, above--a counter-indicator, but a reasonable position [P5].
Elizabeth's age. Nothing too specific here; however, by 1685 she was obviously mature enough to have been married twice and likely was at least age 19, or born before 1667 [P5]. If we accept Heath's view (NHM, p.28) that NiI married ca.1656 [P5] after he purchased [P1] Island House, Elizabeth might have been born at any time from 1657 to 1666 [P6]. If born in 1657, she could have been married upwards of five years before NiI died in 1678. Evidence available does not provide a specific birth date, but it does seem clear that Elizabeth was a mature woman in 1685 [P4].
Nicholas II. Meanwhile in the same time frame NiII, on 2 Mar 1685/6, is described in court as "underage," or not age 21 (Haun V, p.45) [P2]. Hence we know he was born after 2 Mar 1664/5. The accepted birth date of 26 Oct 1667 seems based on NiII's Bible (Griffith, p.12). When verified, that will be direct evidence [P2] establishing a family base point. NiII would have been age 16 in 1683 and old enough to be taxed and take possession of land (The Source, p.186), but not own it out right. He apparently did take such possession around 1685 when he first appeared in court, not yet age 18, and thereafter (starting 1686) was recorded on the existing tithable lists. Despite all that, he appeared in court six times, including jury duty twice, during the year 1688 before his 21th birthday on 26 Oct 1688 (Haun IV). That strongly demonstrates [P1] he was accepted as age 21 before then and may have been born 26 Oct 1666 rather than 26 Oct 1667. One had to be age 21 to serve on a jury (The Source). (Note: Now believed to have been born Oct 1665)
Francis II. He was at least age 16 when he first appeared on a Surry Co. tithable list with his stepfather, Lt. Col. Wm. Browne, Sr., on 9 Jun 1688, or born before 10 Jun 1672 (VA Gen 23-24). He was not further recorded on Surry Co. tithable lists indicating he may have been elsewhere, perhaps away to school. He must have studied well as less than three years later he was recorded as the county clerk of [Old] Rappahannock (Essex) Co. at the court held on 5 Feb 1691/2 (Sparacio, p.93). He must have been at least age 21, or born before 6 Feb 1670/1 (The Source). It seems reasonable to accept his birth year as ca. 1670 [P4].
Jane. I believe Jane was the next child. As you know, (Connections, Jul-Sep '93) she married Capt. Wm. Browne, Jr., the son of her stepfather, and lived out her life in Surry Co. [P2]. She was generously remembered in her stepfather and fil's 1705 will [P2]. It is significant that her name and Wm. Browne, Jr.'s did not appear on the court record appointing her older siblings, NiII and Elizabeth, and Elizabeth's husband, Francis Clements, as the administrators of Jane's brother William's estate in 1695 (NHM, p.41-verified). Brother Francis was in Essex Co. then; Thomas likely under age. Jane, living in the same household as her brother, William, probably was also under age 21, or born after 1773 (1774+), and not yet married [P5]. [Note: I'm unsure what age to use; she could act as an executor at age 12, release guardian at age 18; or take legal action at age 21 (The Source). She may be younger than Thomas.]
William Browne, Jr. He first appeared on the Surry Co. tithable list in 1686 and again in 1687, suggesting he was born ca. 1670 [P2]. His will was probated in 1747 (Griffith, p.34). He was not recorded with his father's family during the years 1688-1691, possibly studying in England (P&C II). He returned to Col. Browne's household in 1692 and remained there until 1698 when he had established his own taxable property [P2]. He and Jane were probably married by then [P5]. It seems improbable they were married in 1695 [P4] since Wm. Browne, Jr., clearly of age and living in the same household as his stepbrother, William Meriwether, if married to Jane, logically would have been listed as one of William's administrators, as was Francis Clements. Females could release guardians or marry without consent at age 18 (The Source). It appears that in the period 1695-1698 Jane married Wm. Browne, Jr. [P5]. Based on what we know, she likely was born ca. 1675. Determining the age of their children may provide the proof needed.
Thomas. Thomas never appeared in the Surry Co. tithable lists suggesting he was living elsewhere, possibly with NiII or Francis II when he became age 16 [P2]. He did leave a record in Surry. On 7 Jan 1695/6 Thomas Meriwether "orphan of Mr. Nichol. Meriwether, deced..." made a choice of Mr. Wm. Drummond as his guardian. Mr. Edwards appeared in court as security for Mr. Drummond "due ye payment of the estate of Tho. Meriwether when he comes of age É" (Haun V, p.69) [P2]. Thomas had to be at least age 14 to select his own guardian and less than 21 to need one, or born in the period 1676-1682 (The Source) [P2]. Since his father died in Dec 1678, the period of his birth is further limited.
Thomas married first Elizabeth Williamson, the daughter of Henry Williamson, Gent., of Essex Co., whose will was proved 11 Sep 1699 (DB10, p.12) [P2]. Thomas and Elizabeth acted as executors, indicating he was at least age 21, or born before 12 Sep 1678 [P2]. Thomas was born 1676-1678, or ca. 1677 [P3].
William. At the Surry Co. Court on Mar 1694/5 Capt. Francis Clements and his wife Elizabeth and Nicho. were granted a commission of administration on the estate of Wm. Meriwether, Nicholas and Elizabeth being further described as his brother and sister (NHM, p.41 & Haun V, p.57-verified) [P2]. While the required inventory has not been preserved, the nature of the Governor Andros's proclamation on 21 Apr 1695 suggested a personal estate [P5]. Probably the most meaningful record stands mute. William never appeared on the Surry Co. tithable lists [P2}, showing he was less than age 16 in June 1694, the last tithable record before he died in early 1695. He would have been born after 17 Jun 1678, and possibly after his father died in Dec 1678 [P4].
Elizabeth (Woodhouse?) Meriwether Browne. Accepting for the moment Heath's speculation [P7] that Elizabeth was married ca. 1656 at age 18, she would have been age 40 when widowed in 1678 (NHM, p.28). By early 1680 she married Wm. Browne, Sr. Based on the foregoing, in 1680 the approximate ages and order of birth [P5] of her Meriwether children were:
- Elizabeth: 14-23 (b. 1657-1666) [P5]
- Nicholas II: 2-13 (b. 26 Oct 1666/67 [P2]
- Francis II: 10 (b. ca.1670) [P4]
- Jane II: 5 (b. ca.1675) [P5]
- Thomas: 3 (b. ca.1677) [P3]
- William: 1+ (b. 1678/79) [P4]
Were there others? Possibly, but we have no indicators other than Elizabeth's apparent 22 year marriage to NiI in which most of the existing children clearly were born in its later years. Studying that suggests that a case could be made that NiI married and began his family ca. 1666 [P7] when he bought the Indian Springs Plantation (Haun II, p.24) [P2], not 1656 when he bought the Island House, as Heath reasonably speculated [P7]. Perhaps NiI married twice and the Elizabeth Meriwether who married Colonel Browne was not his first wife [P7]. In which case, who was the first? Who was No. 2?
Names. Interestingly, NiI and Elizabeth named their first two children after themselves, the next two after NiI's siblings in Virginia, and the last two, Thomas and William, after two Meriwether English brothers, some held existed [P6]. Thomas may also have been Elizabeth's (Woodhouse (?)) father's name.
Elizabeth Browne. Elizabeth (Woodhouse?) Meriwether probably had another child after she married Lt. Col. Wm. Browne, Sr. Henry Hartwell's 1699 will also included a bequest "To Elizabeth Browne, daughter to Coll. William Browne and niece to my late wife [Jane]É" [P2-not verified]. [Note: based on what we know, the stated relationships seem in conflict, i.e., only a child of NiI and Elizabeth would be a niece as we use the term today. In an earlier day, the term may have meant "granddaughter" or a more distant descendant, in this case a half-sister to her Meriwether nephews and nieces. Alternatively in a completely possible relationship, Monte Monroe suggests that Elizabeth Meriwether Browne could be Elizabeth, nee White, a sister to William White, Aunt Jane's first husband. [Think about it!] Corroborating evidence for this event is needed, but assuming Elizabeth Browne was born within a year after her mother, Elizabeth, married, or in 1681, she would have been age 18 when she received her legacy in 1699 [P5]. Obviously she was reared with her maturing Meriwether siblings in a Browne household, lovingly remembered by Aunt Jane (Meriwether) White Hartwell.
Mother Meriwether/Browne. It seems proper to close out this generation before we leave. Wm. Browne, Sr.'s will was probated in Jul 1705 (Griffith, pp.32-33). He does not recognize a wife, Elizabeth apparently having died before 1705. When? Possibly [P6] as early as 1686 when Nicholas II, apparently in possession of lands, is first taxed. More probably in the period 1692-1695 [P5]. There would have been no need to have siblings appointed as administrators for William's estate or for Thomas to select a guardian had Elizabeth been alive in 1695 [P2]. Nicholas II's decision ca. 1692 to leave Surry Co. and sell his inherited Meriwether home may well have been triggered by his mother's death and the final distribution of his father's estate (Haun V, p.25 & Hopkins, p.39) [P5]. In any case, Francis II selling Island House in 1695 and Thomas asking for a guardian the same year, suggest strongly that by then NiI's estate was settled [P4]. Elizabeth, if born in 1638 (NHM, p.28) [P6], would have been in her fifties when she died ca. 1692 [P4].
How does it all end? I'm not sure. There is still a lot of research and verification needed to confirm the positions presented. Your research, critical comments, and complementary materials are needed and welcome. The next generation of charging Meriwethers is still another story, yet to come.
Copyright 1996 by The Meriwether Society, Inc.
Which Nicholas Married Mildred Thornton?
The following was published in Meriwether Connections, vol. 14 number 3, Jul-Sep 1995. Copyright The Meriwether Society, Inc.
Which Nicholas Married Mildred Thornton?
by Maury Kendall
Nicholas II's Sons. In an earlier article, Dave, Tom, & Bill or was it Bill, Dave, & Nick?, the accepted order of birth of Nicholas II [M12] and Elizabeth (Crawford) Meriwether's sons was challenged. In that discussion there was strong evidence to suggest that William [M121] likely was b. ca. 1688 and was the oldest son, rather than David [M122], b. 1690. My purpose here is not to review the evidence supporting that conclusion, but to build on it, identifying the descendants of William Meriwether [M121] and his wife, Elizabeth Bushrod. As an exception, I will note that both Nettie Leitch Majors and Prentiss Price (Meriwether family researchers, discussed elsewhere) also concluded that William was the oldest son. We might expect William as the oldest son to have had a stronger role in the early Meriwether family than currently depicted. The following suggests he did.
A fast review of the Prentiss Price Papers strongly indicates earlier compilers may have confused Nicholas III [M126] with Nicholas [M1211], son of William [M121]. Specifically, it appears that the Mildred (Thornton) Meriwether, who married Dr. Thomas Walker in 1741, was the wife of Nicholas [M1211], son of William [M121], not Nicholas III [M126], son of Nicholas II.
In what follows, I will be citing identified sources found in the Prentiss Price Papers and in other holdings, but with the understanding I have not verified them. Nor have I searched extensively for counter-evidence to the position advanced. Actually I hope this discussion will incite a flood of either supporting or opposing evidence that will enable the Volume I Working Group to agree on a position on the issue and the MeriReps to build on it.
William's Children. Heath accepted that William [M121] married Elizabeth Bushrod and that they had seven children, of which six, John, Thomas, Richard, Jane, Sarah, and Mary were remembered by their grandfather, Nicholas II, in his will. The seventh, Nicholas [M1211], is mentioned as deceased in the paragraph of the will where his brother, John [M1212], received 2000 acres, "laid off next to his Brother Nicholas Meriwether, deceas'd…" Griffith recognized an eighth child, named William [Jr.], a name one would reasonably expect to find. The St. Peter's Parish Register, New Kent Co., VA lists "William son of William Meriwether, born Sept. 13th, 1720." The "old Bible leaf" often cited by Griffith indicated that William "my grandson" died in 1748. If so late, why wasn't he recognized in Nicholas II's will? Price corrected that date to 1740, reasoning that since the Bible belonged to Nicholas II and he died in 1744, the date had to have been earlier. More about William's children later, but first let's consider his son, Nicholas [M1211]. Heath had no information about him, but did document the fact that his mother, Elizabeth Bushrod, married a Meriwether.
The Bushrod Connection. This connection started in 1705 in the Fairfax Proprietary. On 21 Jan 1705, a William Strutfield of Westmoreland County patented 534 acres of land in Stafford County on Four Mile Creek. As Virginia Counties pro gressively were erected, that tract of land can be found in Prince William and still later in Fairfax County. In this period, land records indicate that both John Bushrod, Elizabeth's father, and a John Spry, a name we will see again, may have lived in Northumberland County, next to Westmoreland. Strutfield expanded his land holdings in Stafford County, patenting an additional 500 acres in 1709. Meanwhile, John Bushrod appeared in Westmoreland County, where Strutfield lived. The next year, 8-9 Mar 1710/11, William Strutfield of Stafford, Planter, sold his 534 acres in Stafford on Four Mile Creek to John Bushrod, Gent., of Westmoreland Co. That tract of 534 acres now becomes critical to our analysis of available evidence.
In a Lease and Release indenture, 20-21 Jan 1716/7, John Bushrod of Cople Parish, Westmoreland County, Gent., conveyed to Nicholas Meriwether, son of William Meriwether and Elizabeth, his wife, daughter to the said John Bushrod, 534 acres in Overwharton Parish, Stafford County, for the "natural love and affection he hath to his grandson." Nicholas [M1211] at this point was a young child, possi bly two or three years old.
Quick appraisal. To recap for a moment, that direct evidence (P2) established that William [M121] Meriwether married Elizabeth Bushrod and that they had a son named Nicholas [M1211], who owned 534 acres in Stafford County on Four Mile Creek &151; the year 1716 (O.S.).
Fast Forward. Meriwether family historians generally agree that Mildred Thornton, born 19 Mar 1721, married in 1738 a Nicholas Meriwether, by whom she had one child, Mildred Meriwether, b. 19 May 1739. That child was recognized by her grandfather, Nicholas II, in his will (1744) as the daughter of a "Nicholas Meri wether, deceased." Uniquely, the relationship of that Nicholas to Nicholas II is not stated. Was it Nicholas III [M126], b. 1699 or Nicholas [M1211], b. ca. 1714, son of William? In extension, did Mildred Thornton marry a man 22 years her senior or one aged around 24?
Nicholas III. Nicholas III [M126?] was a brother of William [M121] and David [M122]. The St. Peter's Parish Register, New Kent Co., VA, recorded his birth date as 11 July 1699. His death is given by Heath as 1739, age 40. This apparently reflects a will dated 4 Dec 1738, attributed to Nicholas III, and the subsequent marriage of Mildred (Thornton) Meriwether, said to have been his wife, to Dr. Thomas Walker in 1741. Since that Mildred suppos edly brought a large inheritance of land from her late husband to her second marriage, her relationship through Nicholas III [M126] to Nicholas II seems reasonable and acceptable.
Aunt Lou Minor in 1892 stated that Nicholas III [M126] married Mildred Thornton and they had one child who married John Syme and had John Syme, Jr., and other children. She, as others, then noted Mildred married, second, Dr. Thomas Walker, in 1741. Her position was not documented.
Likewise, Griffith noted Nicholas III married, prior to 4 Dec 1738, the date of his will, Mildred Thornton, b. 19 Mar 1721. He cited the "Walker record of Page ge nealogy" as a source of much of what we have come to accept about Mildred (Thornton) Meriwether Walker and her daughter, Mildred Meriwether, b. 19 May 1739. Heath, without em bellishment or further documenta tion, essentially accepted Aunt Lou's account, as did Sarah Travers Lewis (Scott) Anderson.
Mildred Meriwether. There is also general agreement that Mildred Meriwether married a John Symme (or Syme), Esqr. of Hanover County. Griffith expanded on this to note that John and Mildred (Meriwether) Syme had a son, John Syme, Jr., who married Sally [Overton]. Griffith next paraphrased from Hening's Statutes and reported the condi tions of Nicholas's will. Which Nicholas? Well, the will did not say, but Griffith thought it was Nicholas III. Prentiss Price, possibly more specific, also from Hening stated:
"Nicholas Meriwether, the younger, formerly of Hanover, Gent. dec'd., owned 1650 acres and 400 acres in Fredericksville Parish in said Co. [now Albemarle] and 534 acres in Truro Parish, Fairfax Co. and by will dated 4 Dec 1738, of record in Hanover [Co.], he gave 1/2 [of his estate] to wife Mildred, and 1/2 to the child of which she was then enciente of, and if said child died [without issue], to testator's brothers and sisters. Mildred [Meriwether] was born after his death."
Remember those tracts of land, initially the 534 acres in Fairfax County.
The John Symes. A record dated 17 July 1784 in Prince William County fills in the story of the 534 acres.
"John Syme [Jr.] of the Co. of Louisa and Sally his wife to Carlyle Fairfax Whiting, Grandson and devisee of John Carlyle, Gent., late of the Town of Alexandria, dec'd. Whereas John Syme, father of the said John Syme [Jr.] sold the said John Carlyle in his lifetime 534 acres of land which he held in right of his wife Mildred in the county of Fairfax, which said tract was granted by Maugaritte Lady Culpeper, Thomas Lord Fairfax and Catherine his wife, Proprietors of the Northern Neck to William Strutfield, 21 Jan 1705 [underlining added] and whereas the said John Syme by bond dated 21 Oct 1756 was bound (£500) to have said Mildred his wife join in said deed as soon as she attains her full age of 21 years and whereas the said Mildred did depart this life under the age of 21 years, leaving the said John Syme [Jr.], party to these presents her heir at law, and whereas the said John Carlyle by will dated 5 Apr 1780, left the residue of his estate toÉtherefore this Indenture to clear the title. /s/ John Syme, Junr."
Evaluation. We have direct evidence (P2) demonstrating that the 534 acres of land John Bushrod gifted to his grandson, Nicholas [M1211], b. ca. 1714, was subsequently disposed of by the heirs at law of Nicholas's daughter, Mildred. We can now deduce, reliably, that Mildred Thornton married Nicholas [M1211] son of William, not William's brother, Nicholas III [M126] (P3). We may also conclude (P4) that since Mildred (Thornton) Meriwether shared equally in her husband's estate with her daughter, she may not have brought the large acreage to her marriage with Dr. Thomas Walker as some have suggested. We also know that the "Nicholas Meriwether, deceased" mentioned in his grandfather's will as the father of Mildred was not Nicholas II's son Nicholas III (P3). Interestingly, we are rapidly depleting much of what we have accepted as fact about Nicholas III, requiring more study to learn about his family group.
Corroboration. Always helps. We know Nicholas [M121], son of William, owned other lands than those 534 acres, proved above (P2). His will (1738) so indicated and his grandfather's will (1744) stated that William's son John's bequest was "laid off next to his Brother Nicholas Meriwether, deceas'd." Actually, Nicholas II gave that land to his grandson, John, in 1743, "Éfor the paternal love and affection I bear unto my loving Grandson John Meriwether the son of William MeriwetherÉ" and confirmed it later in the will. Griffith presented that 1743 Louisa County deed. It also stated John's land adjoined Nicholas Meriwether's. Logically, another earlier deed existed conveying land from Nicholas II to his namesake, son of William.
Griffith stated that such a deed, dated 1734, existed in Hanover Co. records and that it conveyed land from "Nicholas2[II] to Nicholas3[III]" Meriwether. Prentiss Price appar ently also quoted from that record and stated:
"Nicholas Meriwether of St. Martin's Parish in Hanover County in Virginia to my Grandson Nicholas Meriwether [underlining added] the Son of William Meriwether for the paternal love I bore, 1650 acres, part of a larger tract in Hanover County." Witnesses: Tho. Meriwether [first cousin, see below], Solomon King, & J. Harris. Acknowledged, 5 Dec 1734.
Four years later that 1650 acres was mentioned in Nicholas's [M1211] 1738 will, noted above.
It is evident from the foregoing that Griffith erred in his identification of Nicholas, the devisee; he was not the son, Nicholas III [M126], but the son of William. Interestingly, on the same day, 5 Dec 1734, Nicholas II also conveyed 1620 acres to his Grandson, Thomas Meriwether [M1221], born 1714/15, son of David [M122], and it was witnessed by his first cousin, Nicholas Meriwether, Junr. [M1211]. Doubtless, Nicholas II's two oldest grandsons had reached age 21 and at a common ceremony were given a very valuable birthday gift and an early Christmas present &151; the year 1734.
The Prentiss Price Papers also noted other land transactions involving Mildred Meriwether in the Hanover-Louisa-Albemarle area. Obviously Mildred Meriwether's guardians were consolidating and dividing her father's estate, completing actions he was unable to do before he died. In 1740, when she was two years old, the 400 acres mentioned in Nicholas's 1738 will were surveyed for her in Hanover. Nicholas Meriwether, Junior [underlining added], had been granted that land on both sides of Wolf Trap Branch on 15 Mar 1735/6. Next, on 20 Aug 1741, "Mildred Meriwether, daugh ter of Nicholas Meriwether, Junior [underlining added], dec'd.," was granted 1900 acres in Goochland Co. on both sides of Popular Branch. Her name can be found several times in subsequent patent books. A careful audit of land records in this area will doubtless further reinforce the position supported by this paper.
The Clincher. In that regard, an indenture in Albemarle Co., dated 27 Feb 1762, when viewed in the light of the foregoing, establishes conclu sively that Mildred Meriwether [M12111] was not the daughter of Nicholas III [M126], the son of Nicholas II.
"John Symme of the Co. of Hanover, Gent., to Thomas Walker of the Co. of Louisa, Gent., for £400, 1650 acres formerly in the Co. of Hanover now Albemarle, whereon the said Thomas Walker now lives [underlining added; is this Castle Hill?], which land formerly belonged to Nicholas Meriwether the Elder and was by him conveyed to Nicholas Meriwether the younger[,] his grandson [underlining added] and heir by deed 5 Dec 1734 recorded in Hanover Co. Court and on the death of the said Nicholas Meriwether the younger Intestate descended to Mildred his only Daughter and heir with whom the said John Symme intermarried and with her consent agreed to sell the same to the said Thomas Walker but before any conveyance was executed for said land, the said Mildred died leaving issue John Symme [Jr.], her son and heir an Infant to whom the reversion & inheritance of the said land is descended; expectant on the death of the said John Symme who is entitled to the same for life as tenant by the curtisy of EnglandÉthat the next right heir of the said MildredÉexecute such further conveyanceÉ" Proved 13 May 1762.
Conclusions. The Bushrod connection proves by direct evidence that William and Elizabeth (Bushrod) Meriwether had a son named Nicholas who owned 534 acres in Fairfax Co. (P2). The subsequent sale of that land by John Syme provides clear and convincing evidence proving that Mildred Thornton mar ried Nicholas [M1211] (P3). Further identification of the land mentioned in Nicholas's 1738 will provides direct evidence that Mildred Meriwether was his daughter, not the daughter of Nicholas III [M126] (P2). Finally, the Albemarle Co. 1762 indenture that conveyed to Thomas Walker the 1650 acres given to Nicholas, the younger, by his grandfather, Nicholas II, corrobo rates much of the above (P1).
Further, we may conclude that Nicholas III [M126] did not marry Mildred Thornton and any land he may have owned was not conveyed to Dr. Walker (P4). It would also appear that Dr. Thomas Walker obtained his homestead by purchase from Mildred Meriwether's heirs, or at least their 1/2 interest, and not by right of marriage to her mother (P5). Finally, beginning 5 Dec 1734, the suffixes "the younger" and "Junior" seem to be consistently used to iden tify Nicholas [M1211], son of William, indicating Nicholas III may have died before that date (P5). We also may now know why Francis Clement, Jr., in his will of 1721 did not mention Nicholas or Thomas when listing the known living chil dren of his "loving uncle Nicholas Meriwether." It would appear Thomas [M123?] and Nicholas III [M126?] may actually have died before 1721 (P5).
Afterthought. Despite the clarity of this position, there are still holes to fill in and much of the foregoing requires verification. The critical gain is not so much the clarification of this relationship as in permitting the de scendants of William and Elizabeth (Bushrod) Meriwether more easily to identify themselves with that family group and go on to develop it fur ther. Libby Seigler is the Meriwether Society Family Group Representative for that family group and will be pleased to hear from you. In that regard, consider the following.
William's Children. We know their names, but in available literature we find little else except for Thomas [M1213], who Heath covered in some detail. Details relating to the others must wait for another day, but to enable potential researchers to begin work, I'll list here what Prentiss and Heath recorded:
- M1211-Nicholas (<1716 [NHM: ca. 1714-1739]-1738) m. 1738, Mildred Thornton (issue).
- M1212-John (ca. 1718 [NHM: ca. 1716]-1791) m. <1754, Ann Walker (no issue).
- M1213-Thomas ([NHM: ca. 1718->1783]) m. <1751, Jane Lewis (issue).
- M1214- Richard ( [NHM: 1719]-1766), Ensign, British Army (issue?).
- M1215-William (1720-1748 (1740)), died on Man of War, Colechester (issue?).
- M1216-Jane ([NHM: 1721]-1???), m.? >1744? No further information (issue?).
- M1217-Sarah ([NHM: 1724]-<1783), m. >1744<1765, John Pierce (issue).
- M1218-Mary (>1724 [NHM: 1725/6]-1808), m. >1744<1755 Matthew Marable (issue).
Copyright 1996, The Meriwether Society, Inc.
Woodhouse Connection?
"The next generation invariably judges the credibility of our work and, in turn, our intellectual integrity." (PS11)
Since 1899 with the publication of The Record of Nicholas Meriwether of Wales by William Ridgely Griffith, the family histories have stated that Nicholas married Elizabeth Woodhouse. As can be seen in the following excepts and editorial comments, this is a very nebulous connection!
The following appeared in Meriwether Connections, Vol 12 no. 2, Apr-Jun 1997; this is the quarterly newsletter of The Meriwether Society.
Woodhouse Connection
by Maury Kendall
Myths. Your editor has suggested an article dealing with the several errors evident in existing Meriwether lore and publications, several of which have been earlier identified here. One day the Volume One Working Group will do that. For now, one example. While reading this, keep in mind the evaluation criteria reviewed above.
Woodhouse Connection. Our somewhat extensive research in early Virginia records provides no evidence Nicholas I in fact married an Elizabeth Woodhouse, nor did W. R. Griffith, who in 1899 first speculated (his pp. 14-15) that union "could be" in his The Record of Nicholas Meriwether of Wales. He, exhibiting great scholastic integrity, thereafter always identified her name with a [?]. Unfortunately those that followed appear to have removed his cautionary note and the [?], while neglecting to cite any new evidence. To date, we have found no evidence Thomas Woodhouse (supposedly Elizabeth’s father) was ever married; had any children; had a daughter named Elizabeth; or that Elizabeth Woodhouse, if she existed, married Nicholas I. We do know Nicholas I had a wife named Elizabeth (P1), but there is evidence she likely was a second wife (P5), who didn’t fit the pattern suggested by a possible Woodhouse connection.
Note: any information to the contrary is both needed and welcome. MWK
The following is an excerpt from The Record of Nicholas Meriwether of Wales, 1899, mentioned above, pp 14-15.
Elizabeth Wife of Nicholas Meriwether
"The maiden name of this lady I am not able to prove. I can only say that I believe it was Woodhouse, and that she was the daughter or sister of Thomas Woodhouse of whose estate Nicholas1 was administrator, as already shown by the Northumberland County records. I had quite a long account of the Woodhouse family of Prince Anne County, Va., from E. W. James of Norfolk, and he does not find any Thomas among the list of descendants of Capt. Henry Woodhouse, but I have already produced the Northumberland Record that there was a Thomas in 1665. Elizabeth1 was executrix of her husband’s estate. She seems to have raised the family in "James Cittie" or Jamestown where her son Nicholas2 [2] lived some years after. The date of the death of Elizabeth1 I have not found and the destruction of James City County records will likely hide forever this information."
Griffith was one of the first, if not THE first, Meriwether researcher to mention Elizabeth’s name. In fact, most previous Meriwether genealogies had started with Nicholas II and did not believe that Nicholas I came to Virginia and never mentioned his wife.
In The Meriwethers and Their Connections, by Nelson Heath Meriwether, 1964, Artcraft Press, page 8, Duncan Merriwether wrote in Chapter 1:
"Nicholas Meriwether married Elizabeth Woodhouse. She is thought by some genealogists to have been the daughter of Henry Woodhouse II of Norfolk, which he represented in the House of Burgesses; if so, her grandfather, Captain Henry Woodhouse I, was Governor of Bermuda from 1623-26. More likely, she was the daughter of Thomas Woodhouse, a prominent citizen of James City."
Note that Duncan assumes that Elizabeth is a Woodhouse, and the only question is who were her parents. Next, Heath himself expands upon the Meriwether family information in Chapter 2. From The Meriwethers and Their Connections, page 28:
"Nicholas Meriwether married Elizabeth Woodhouse. There are a number of conflicting records as to whether she was the daughter of Thomas Woodhouse of James City, Virginia, or the daughter of Henry Woodhouse II, of Norfolk. If she was the daughter of Henry, her grandfather was Henry Woodhouse I who was Governor General of Bermuda, 1623-26. Many published records assert that she was of the Woodhouse family of Norfolk. There are no parish records for Henry Woodhouse since he first came to America after his service as Governor of Bermuda. There are, however, records for the Thomas Woodhouse group. This Thomas was a nephew of Henry Woodhouse I. Thus Thomas and Henry Woodhouse II were first cousins and both of them had daughters named Elizabeth. I feel though that the evidence points to Elizabeth, the daughter of Thomas Woodhouse who had employed Nicholas Meriwether on legal matters and additionally had named him as executor of his last will and testament. Also Thomas lived on Jamestown Island; there was a close bond of friendship between Nicholas and the Woodhouse family. Thomas died in 1655, and the following year (sic) Nicholas purchased the "Island House" on Jamestown Island. Elizabeth, the future wife of Nicholas, was born circa 1638 and at the time of marriage, probably 1656, Nicholas was 25 years of age, and Elizabeth was 18.
In the circumstances listed and considering the wealth of data available for many of the activities of the life and times of colonial Virginia it is regrettable that no court record, marriage bond, or parish account exists to set out the facts concerning the parentage of Elizabeth Woodhouse, inasmuch as this family played a prominent part in the affairs of the colony at Jamestown. From the foregoing data, however, I cast my vote for Elizabeth, "the daughter of Thomas Woodhouse" as being the wife of Nicholas Meriwether I."
There are a number of problems with the above account. Again, Heath states that Nicholas married Elizabeth Woodhouse; alas, he does not provide any justification for such a statement. He also states that both Henry II and Thomas had daughters named Elizabeth. The Meriwether Society has been unable to find any evidence that Thomas Woodhouse was even married, much less that he had a daughter named Elizabeth. Even Griffith states she may have been a sister of Thomas, not a daughter. There are reportedly published genealogies of Henry Woodhouse II documenting that he did have a daughter named Elizabeth and that she was married and had children, but not to Nicholas Meriwether (Note: Elizabeth Woodhouse married Giles Collins). The Society has not confirmed this, however. The Society has not seen any evidence that Elizabeth was born about 1638 and was about 18 when she married Nicholas; searches of Heath’s papers have failed to identify the source for these statements. While the Society has shown conclusively that Nicholas bought "Island House" in 1661, not 1656, there is no evidence to support the statement that Nicholas married Elizabeth in 1656. Their first child, Elizabeth Meriwether, married the Rev. John Clough sometime before his death on 15 Feb 1683 OS (1664); if Elizabeth was 18-20 when she got married, she would have been born anytime from 1662 to 1666, six to ten years after the alleged marriage date. The next known child was certainly Nicholas II, born 26 Oct 1667 (Note: now believed to be 1665) based on his now missing bible leaf, a copy of which was last seen by Griffith in the 1890s.
In reality, all we really know for sure is that, at the time of his death, Nicholas was married to an Elizabeth. She subsequently married Capt. William Brown, but no existing documentation links her in anyway with the Woodhouse family of either Thomas or Henry. The Society is researching possible connections to the William May family and several other families. Also, the phrasing of the Henry Hartwell will suggests that his wife Jane, who has always been identified as Jane Meriwether, sister of Nicholas I and Francis, may be the sister of Elizabeth instead!
At this time the Society suggests not using the Woodhouse surname for Elizabeth or at least marking it as suspect, as Griffith did one hundred years ago with the notation Elizabeth Woodhouse(?).
Lt. Col. Banastre Tarleton
Originally published in Meriwether Connections, the quarterly newsletter of The Meriwether Society, Inc. Vol. XXIV, No. 1, Jan.-Mar. 2005, and No. 2, Apr.–Jun. 2005
British Lieutenant Colonel Banastre Tarleton and the American Revolution: Drama on the Plantations of Charlottesville
Stephen Meriwether Long
Three plantations of Albemarle County’s Meriwether and Lewis families were the stage of some events of The Revolutionary War in June 1781. Castle Hill, Belvoir, and The Farm all were paid visits by the British Legion, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Banastre Tarleton, on a raiding mission intent on capturing members of the Virginia legislature, including then Governor Thomas Jefferson, who were scheduled to meet in Charlottesville. Even just decades after these events, it was said, “Many a marvelous legend has passed through as many editions as mouths, respecting this invasion.” To help distinguish between the facts and myths surrounding this celebrated chapter of Charlottesville history,[1] it might help to know of the background of Banastre Tarleton. These are the events of the American Revolution that lead up to the historic encounters at the Charlottesville area homes.
I. Tarleton and the War
Banastre Tarleton (pronounced Bannister--like the rails along a staircase--Tarl-ton) was born in Liverpool, England August 21, 1754, the son of a wealthy merchant family. Shortly after his father died, his mother bought him a commission as a Cornet in the King’s Cavalry, and he soon volunteered for service in America, where he arrived in May 1776.[2] Described as a well-proportioned and muscular man of 5’-6”, red-headed, with fine manners and charm, he quickly made a name for himself with his “daring and enterprise” in action, playing a part in capturing Southern Commander Major General Charles Lee, Washington’s second in command. Tarleton was made a Captain, and in July 1778 before age 24 was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel, in charge of the newly-formed British Legion.[3] Consisting of well-trained cavalry with some supporting infantry, The British Legion was built of mainly loyalists from New York and Pennsylvania, who wore green jackets to distinguish them as a Tory regiment, and became known as The Green Dragoons.
As the War turned Southward in hopes the British would find more loyalists there, the Legion moved with it. As a predominantly cavalry unit, they were often used to “clean up” after a battle, chasing down retreating troops. They were instrumental in the second siege of Charleston, South Carolina in 1780, showing great resourcefulness and effectively cutting off supply lines[4] to the beleaguered city, securing the British victory. There, the surrounded Americans surrendered a force of 5,500 patriots,[5]almost the entire Southern portion of the Continental Army—a devastating loss.
Later the British received word of a Virginia regiment in retreat from their assignment to Charleston. Tarleton was dispatched and in trying to close a 10 day lead, drove his vanguard in pursuit 105 miles in 54 hours “at a pace that killed horses and exhausted men.”[6] An officer was sent ahead under a flag of truce, exaggerating their numbers to intimidate the Patriots to surrender or delay them with deliberation.[7] Possibly sensing a trap, the Virginia leader declined defiantly and continued. Then on May 29, 1780 at Waxhaws, South Carolina, the British column attacked, badly chopped up the Virginians’ rear guard,[8] and descended on the main line so swiftly they broke up the battalion. In the resulting confusion, there are varying accounts of what happened next. According to the well-documented Encyclopedia of the American Revolution, Tarleton charged the posted patriot colors, just as the white flag was being raised.[9] Then, confirmed by his own account, Tarleton’s horse was then shot from under him; his men saw their leader downed, then for at least 15 minutes the excited but overzealous British Legion continued attacking the confused Virginians,[10] many in a surrendering posture, who were bayoneted upon the ground. Word of the slaughter got out, and Tarleton’s nicknames developed. “Tarleton’s Quarter” came to signify “no quarter” (meaning “no mercy” to a surrendering opponent, or “no prisoners”), and became a rallying cry for Patriotic recruitment throughout the South. General Cornwallis never seriously questioned the tactics, utilizing the British Legion as shock troops to demoralize patriot resistance.[11]
The recent 2000 film The Patriot[12] with Mel Gibson has as its main antagonist a character based on Banastre Tarleton, called William Tavington. His skirmishes with the South Carolina militia are dramatized. Some of Tarleton’s other tactics like burning plantations are also portrayed in the film, as well as his treating as spies those who aided the Patriots.[13] Although in all fairness, it should be stated that this film and history, written by the victors, have been pretty hard on Tarleton. He deserves credit for being a mannerly, well-trained tactician, and effective cavalry leader, but one who erred with his own impulsiveness. He and his Legion’s actions certainly earned him at least some of his ruthless reputation, but there is no evidence they were violent to civilians like in the film.[14] In the course of a confusing and perilous battle, the British Legion were perhaps guilty of acts to enemy soldiers, though, that would later be perceived as a massacre. Unfortunately, Patriots used propaganda and exaggeration of these events for their own purposes, and at times mirrored in their actions similar violations: the failing to provide quarter, and comparatively harassing fellow Americans who were Tory loyalists.[15] The Patriot deals with the issue in a scene of a chaotic skirmish where surrendering British are shot by militia. A reverend and a young soldier are shocked and implore, “We are better men than that!” to his father, their leader (Mel Gibson), who tries to order his men to provide due quarter. Gibson’s character was based on Francis Marion, a survivor of gruesome missions in the French and Indian War, who as a guerrilla leader during the Revolutionary War, had mixed but remarkable successes disrupting the occupying British operations. It was Tarleton who provided Marion’s nickname when he could not track down Marion in the swamps of South Carolina in November 1780. Tarleton is reported to have frustratingly exclaimed the Devil himself couldn’t catch “this damned old Fox!” Francis Marion became thereafter known as “The Swamp Fox.”[16]
Tarleton’s military style of quick, relentless movement and head-on lightning attacks[17] got him into trouble the morning of January 17, 1781, at the Battle of Cowpens, South Carolina, where the rolling terrain allowed the Patriots to lure the British Legion into a trap. Front militia lines were set to fire just a couple of rounds and then staged a retreat from the main field. Thinking they were routing the less-organized militia, the British charged and soon found themselves face to face with a solid Continental Army line and flanked on both sides by the Patriot cavalry and militia. They had 12 men killed while the British lost 800 men, including many tired and unfed overnight marchers who surrendered in the unpredictable battle. Tarleton tried to reorganize his cavalry unsuccessfully, then had a dramatic swordfight on horseback with Continental Lt. Colonel William Washington (a cousin of General George Washington), who managed to parry with a broken saber. Tarleton fired the last shot of the battle wounding his foe’s horse,[18] and then barely escaped. He was blamed by some for the loss, which signified a turning point for the Revolutionary War in the South.
II. to Virginia: Castle Hill & Belvoir
Moving north, armies met again at the Battle of Guilford Courthouse in North Carolina on March 15, 1781.[19] Under General Cornwallis, Lt. Col. Tarleton commanded smaller forces. He took a bullet in his right hand, and lost the 1st two fingers of that hand. The battle was a Pyrrhic victory for the British, who won the field but sustained heavy losses. Tarleton was likely practicing his saber use with his left hand for some time afterward.[20] Commander Charles, Lord Cornwallis then turned his attention toward Virginia, the richest and most populous American province, which had been the least touched by the War up to that point.[21] As they moved their armies in April and May, Cornwallis ordered a moratorium on looting, pillaging, and disturbing of inhabitants upon pain of death, which may have proved significant for native Virginians. In a small skirmish on one of their raids across the James River, The Green Dragoons captured some Patriot letters, one from the Marquis de Lafayette to Governor Thomas Jefferson, which described a scheduled meeting of the Virginia General Assembly at Charlottesville. On daybreak of June 3rd, 1781, the 26-year-old British Lieutenant Colonel Banastre Tarleton was dispatched with a band of 250 men to capture the Virginia leaders.[22]
In Charlottesville the General Assembly had met briefly, after having left Richmond on concerns of their safety. The group included the great orator Patrick Henry (“give me liberty or give me death!”) and four signers of the Declaration of Independence: Thomas Jefferson (its author), Richard Henry Lee, General Thomas Nelson, Jr., and Speaker of the House Benjamin Harrison (the ancestor of two Presidents). Also there was the representative from Fayette County, Kentucky (then a part of Virginia), trailblazer Daniel Boone.[23] On May 28th, the first day a quorum was present for the reconvened Assembly,[24] Governor Jefferson wrote George Washington pleading he bring the Continental Army to Virginia to bolster the weary patriots, “That your appearance among them I say would restore full confidence of salvation…”[25] Soon afterwards, General Washington wrote Jefferson almost apologetically, “The progress which the enemy are making in Virginia is very alarming…,” only daring to hint at his plans for the British, which would only be secured by a Naval Superiority not yet in place.[26]
The Green Dragoons moved easily through the countryside between the North and South Anna Rivers on “a rainy dark day”.[27] The heat of the weather obliged a rest around noon to refresh the men and horses. Then they pressed on into the night,[28] and at a small crossroads in eastern Louisa County (the junction of today’s US 33 and US 522), tradition has it that their motions were then observed. About 10:00pm there at the Cuckoo Tavern, a young member of the Virginia militia, John Jouett (of Huguenot origins), watched the British cavalry sweep past along the main road. Whether they stopped is unknown; perhaps some officers entered the Tavern and Jouett overheard them talking, or maybe in watching from a window he just guessed what they were up to. A native of Charlottesville, Jouett’s father was the keeper of the Swan Tavern there, a stopping place and meeting room for many delegates to the Virginia Assembly. Figuring the British would take the main road, Jouett inconspicuously left the area, then mounted a horse said to be the finest in 7 counties, and (thoroughly familiar with the region) rode 40 miles over back roads in the middle of the night, which had nearly a full moon though it was probably overcast. He traveled through a maze of vines, brambles, and potholes, to Monticello where at 4:30am June 4 he awoke Jefferson and several prominent members of the legislature, effectively warning them. It is said he paused only briefly before continuing to Charlottesville. Jouett’s descendants say he wore the scars of brambles and branches from that ride the rest of his life.[29]
Meanwhile, Tarleton’s troops arrived at the Louisa County Courthouse at 11:00pm. They remained on a “plentiful plantation” in Louisa until 2:00am June 4, 1781, then resumed their march. Before dawn, they burned a caravan of 12 supply wagons with stores of arms and clothing headed for South Carolina.[30] Next, according to Tarleton,
Soon after daybreak, some of the principal gentlemen of Virginia, who had fled to the borders of the mountains for security, were taken out of their beds: Part were paroled, and left with their families, while others, who were suspected to be more hostile in their sentiments, were carried off. In the neighborhood of Dr. Walker’s, a member of the continental Congress was made prisoner, and the British light troops, after a halt of half an hour to refresh the horses, moved on toward Charlottesville.[31]
This was the British Legion’s encounter with parts of the lands of one of Albemarle County, Virginia’s largest landholders, Nicholas Meriwether II. His Southwest Mountain Tract properties had included what was at the time of the Revolution called Castle Hill, the estate of 4,320 acres whose ownership had been passed from Nicholas Meriwether II to his grandson [via William] Nicholas Meriwether the Younger (1714-1739), through his widow Mildred Thornton-Meriwether who shared it with her second husband Dr. Thomas Walker.[32] The physician of Peter Jefferson, Dr. Walker had made 11 visits to the early Jefferson plantation Shadwell in its ailing owner’s final days. When he died in 1757, Walker was thereafter appointed guardian of Peter’s son Thomas Jefferson,[33] and lived about 5 miles away at Castle Hill. This is where in 1781 Lt. Col. Tarleton ordered Dr. Walker and his wife to prepare breakfast for the British Legion. It is said the Walkers knew or guessed of the plan to capture Jefferson, so while Mildred Walker “ordered the cooks to be slow in preparing breakfast, Dr. Walker was busy mixing mint juleps for… Tarleton and his troops.”[34] There are rumors of alleged “confusion” in the kitchen, whereby after breakfast had been requested, two had been seized and carried off by Dragoons, then with unusual delay occurring, Tarleton had to place a guard over the kitchen to secure a third preparation for him and his officers.[35] Guests of the Walkers included Mildred’s son-in-law [by her and her first husband’s only daughter, Mildred Thornton Meriwether’s marriage to] Colonel John Syme, Judge Peter Lyons, and Newman Brockenbrough of the Virginia Legislature. They were all awakened and interrogated. Most remained, but at least the latter gentleman was forced to accompany the British Legion. Judge Lyons later said, “As to civility, we all received much more of it than we expected.”[36] Tarleton describes how he tactically reviewed various accounts of the road to Charlottesville and its protecting force. He was still at that point counting on the surprise he might gain from the approximately 70 mile distance covered that night and the previous day.[37]
As most of the British Legion finished their breakfast, a small patrol under Captain Kinloch rode ahead to the neighboring Belvoir plantation, another part of the Nicholas Meriwether II lands that had been the home of his daughter Jane Meriwether and her husband Robert Lewis (Meriwether Lewis’ grandparents). Its approximately 1,500 acres were later inherited by their son Nicholas Lewis (the Walker’s son-in-law via their oldest daughter Mary), who then sold the lands to the Walker’s oldest son John.[38] He was a Colonel who had served as an aide to General George Washington in 1777, and had been commended by him in a letter to Patrick Henry for “confidential service.”[39] John Walker later served in the Continental Congress at Philadelphia, where he met another Congressional delegate from South Carolina, Francis Kinloch (the British Legion Captain’s cousin of the same name), who fell in love with Walker’s teenage daughter, Mildred. They were married in February 1781 at Belvoir and then lived together on the plantation. They were there when the British arrived, who early that June 4 morning captured two guests at Belvoir, brothers of Virginia General Thomas Nelson, Jr.: William and Robert Nelson. Francis Kinloch was pursued into the vineyard field by his cousin, who shouted, “Stop, cousin Frank; you know I could always beat you running.”[40] He surrendered, and thus the British Legion captured Francis Kinloch.[41]
Pieces of the Belvoir estate remain today, including the home visited by Tarleton’s patrol, sited near Grace Church of Cismont during the Revolution, now located two miles south of there and called Maxfield. Its owner John Walker later served as a U.S. Senator, and is buried in the plantation’s family cemetery. Belvoir’s lands were inherited by descendants of Francis Kinloch, and part of it given his name, and the Kinloch plantation is also still there today.[42]
The Castle Hill plantation also remains to this day: 1,582 acres of this estate are intact, and its Colonial/Flemish brick manor house is on the National Register of Historic Places. The Colonial portion was built in 1765 by Dr. Thomas Walker, and was there at the time of the Revolution.[43] For many years an Indian Commissioner, he is said to have met with visiting Indian Chiefs at a certain spot in the garden. The place where the British troops rested is still known as Tarleton’s Wood. Among the home’s many distinguished guests have been the First U.S. Chief Justice John Marshall (an old friend of the family), and 5 men who were or would become Presidents of the U.S. It is said that in its spacious hall, Jefferson played the fiddle while Madison danced. In the words the inheritor of Castle Hill, Dr. Walker’s grandson-in-law, U.S. Senator William Cabell Rives, “For generations it has been the seat of hospitality and culture [and] Castle Hill… stands today in excellent preservation.” [44]
III. Charlottesville & Monticello
Just ahead of the British on the morning of June 4, 1781, militia rider John Jouett reached Charlottesville, an 18-year-old town described by a visitor at the time as “a courthouse, one tavern, and about a dozen houses.” He warned the Virginia Assembly members staying there about the approaching raid. They hastily convened, and arranged to reconvene in Staunton, safely across the Blue Ridge Mountains in 3 days time. Their main business of electing a new Governor, because Jefferson’s term had expired June 1, would have to wait. A then little-known Colonel Daniel Boone and some others started loading up wagons with some of the public records.[45]
Not far behind, British Lt. Col. Banastre Tarleton and his troops were on the way, refreshed after a quick breakfast at Castle Hill. Among them were 250 soldiers: 180 of the regular British Legion cavalry and the 17th light dragoons, plus 70 supporting mounted infantry reinforcements of the 23rdRegiment, Royal Welch Fusiliers.[46] Their reputation had spread fear among patriots around the state, like the Marquis de Lafayette and Baron Von Steuben. They both operated small forces of about 1200 and 500 men respectively at different places in Virginia at the time, and they were reluctant to provoke a major battle with Cornwallis’ numbers (about 7,200 with recent reinforcements) and the frighteningly effective and battle-tested British Legion, anticipating a rout. Lafayette wrote, “The British have so many Dragoons that it becomes impossible to stop or reconnoiter their movements.”[47]
The Green Dragoons traveled by way of the Three Notched Road, named for its identifying system of 3 notches on trees at periodic intervals, along a continuous trade route between Richmond and the Shenandoah Valley in Virginia.[48] On its stretch along the northeast side of the Rivanna River approaching Charlottesville, Tarleton’s horsemen headed for Secretary’s Ford. This was named for John Carter, the King’s Colonial Secretary, and located slightly downstream from the confluence of Moore’s Creek and the Rivanna.[49] Some scouts found it guarded by a posted detachment of perhaps 200 local militia, who managed to put up some scattered resistance there. The British light mounted troops charged through the water, and in winning a successful skirmish they suffered little loss. The Green Dragoons then dashed up the hill on Three Notched Road (along the general course of the present CSX railroad tracks and Main Street), and stormed into Charlottesville, directed “to continue the confusion of the Americans and apprehend, if possible, the governor and assembly.”[50]
About that time the former Governor had just left Monticello after seeing his family safely off via carriage toward Enniscorthy, the Coles plantation about 14 miles distant in southern Albemarle County. Jefferson had ordered his favorite riding horse to be shod and brought to the road (about where state highway 53 is today) in the valley between his mountaintop home and the nearby Carter’s Mountain [also named for Secretary John Carter who was granted these lands, part of his family’s neighboring Blenheim plantation. This area was later purchased by another Virginia leader James Monroe and called Highland, then after his death, Ashlawn.] According to a popular folktale of the time, as the British approached, Jefferson walked a ways up Carter’s Mountain to a good viewing point, and gazed from a telescope. He looked down at the streets of Charlottesville and saw nothing out of order. Jefferson started to walk away, but it is said he noticed his light walking sword had slipped from its sheath, so he returned to retrieve it, and then took another look through his telescope, this time to see the streets swarming with Dragoons, identifiable by the color of their uniforms--green for the British Legion, and red for the Fusiliers. Jefferson then mounted his horse and briskly made his escape. [The Jeffersons’ eventual destination was their family’s Poplar Forest plantation further south.][51]
After crossing the Rivanna River, a patrol of Green Dragoons under Captain Kenneth McLeod had been detached to ride up the winding road to Monticello, to capture Jefferson, and then “to remain in vidette on the lofty look-out.” However, with the help of Jouett’s early warning and the Walker family’s strategic delay, Jefferson, his family, and guests (including the Speakers of the State Senate and House, and some others) all had narrowly escaped, missing the British by just 10 minutes.[52] Jefferson later said of Tarleton’s behavior through this experience, “I did not suffer by him. On the contrary, he behaved very genteely with me… He gave strict orders to Capt. McLeod to suffer nothing to be injured.”[53] It is speculated that Jefferson’s renowned good treatment of some 4000 British and Hessian prisoners-of-war, who had been encamped near Charlottesville 1779-1780 at a place called The Barracks, then paroled and awaiting exchange at the time, contributed to the respect shown his plantation.[54] Monticello, its house Jefferson designed, its gardens and nearly 2,000 of its original 5,000 acres, is today owned and operated by the Thomas Jefferson Foundation, and on the National Register of Historic Places.[55]
Down in Charlottesville, the British were raiding the town, burning goods and seizing firearms. The numbers vary according to different sources. The British said they destroyed 1,000 muskets, 400 barrels of powder, 7 hogsheads of tobacco, and a quantity of Continental soldier’s clothing and “accoutrements”,[56] while the American estimates were much lower. Also, invaluable county legal records were destroyed, that are still missing from 1748-1781, burned on the Courthouse green.[57]About 20 prisoners, remnants from the neighborhood of The Barracks prisoner-of-war camp on the West side of town, were liberated.[58]
Seven members of the Virginia Assembly were secured, including former Lieutenant Governor Dudley Diggs, Brigadier General Charles Scott, three other members of the Assembly (possibly taken at Castle Hill or Belvoir), and Public Printer James Hayes (in charge of printing the state’s currency). It is said several officers and men were killed, wounded, or taken.[59] The Gilmer house (probably on Main or Jefferson Street[60]) was the host of one Assembly member who was shot on horseback as he tried to escape, and then was carried off by the British. His hostess was a daughter of Dr. Thomas Walker, a Mrs. Lucy Walker-Gilmer. With her husband absent, she determined to help their injured guest, and with a maiden sister they made their way through the streets of the village perilously filled with troopers to find Lt. Col. Tarleton. Impressed with their courage, he sent his own surgeon to the fallen man’s aid, then restored him to Mrs. Gilmer’s care.[61] [This Gilmer family later bought and moved to the Pen Park plantation, whose lands survive today as a major public Charlottesville park along the Rivanna River north of Meadow Creek.] Elsewhere in Charlottesville, a British officer overtook Daniel Boone, dressed inconspicuously in frontier hunting shirts and leggings, with John Jouett walking away. The former was questioned and dismissed, then the latter. According to Boone family tradition, as their relative walked away, Jouett (probably exhausted and/or still full of adrenaline) absentmindedly called out Colonel Daniel Boone’s rank and name so that he could catch up with him. The British officer overheard and promptly arrested Boone.[62] Although this overall experience was not without violence, these captured prisoners (though undoubtedly inconvenienced) met with little harm. Tarleton wrote, “the gentlemen taken on this expedition were treated with kindness and liberality.” [63]
IV. The Farm
Sometime this day of June 4, 1781, probably between late afternoon and sunset, Banastre Tarleton rode to The Farm, the plantation of Nicholas Lewis that was 1,000 acres between what was then the eastern edge of Charlottesville and the Rivanna River, stretching between Moore’s Creek and Meadow Creek, with some additional smaller acreage across the river. Its simple name was derived from it being the first cleared land west of the Rivanna amidst a virgin forest, and thus it made a recognizable landmark. Just a part of his great land holdings, Nicholas Meriwether II received a patent for The Farm’s lands in 1735, and by 1738 had built a home there somewhere (perhaps near the spring), where he lived until his death in 1744. [He was buried with his son David in the smaller tract across the river.][64] He bequeathed the plantation in his will to his grandson Nicholas Lewis, the son of Jane Meriwether and Robert Lewis of Belvoir. The original house burned down and was rebuilt by Nicholas Lewis in 1770, described as a 48’ x 22’ two story wooden dwelling with a view of Monticello. This and a number of other structures existed on the plantation, on the hill facing the river to the East, with an active spring down the hill 200 yards south.[65] According to Nelson Heath Meriwether, “It was a place of comfort and beauty—surrounded by a garden of roses, shrubs and fine fruit.” When Lt. Col. Tarleton rode up to the house through the rose garden, he raised his hands in admiration and exclaimed, “What a paradise!” Mrs. Lewis retorted, “Then why do you disturb it!?” With dignity and spirit, she is said to have told him that he should meet Virginia’s men in the field rather than war on her defenseless women.[66]
This was Mary Walker-Lewis, the eldest daughter of Dr. Thomas and Mildred Walker whose Castle Hill plantation had been visited by Tarleton earlier that day. This encounter earned her the nickname among her friends and neighbors, “Mrs. Paradise Lewis.” So she shared a distinction with Patriot Francis Marion (“The Swamp Fox”) of having a nickname derived from one of Banastre Tarleton’s witticisms. She was also known for her strict discipline of her household and for being an excellent nurse. During the Revolutionary War, she attended to many sick and wounded American and British soldiers in her home at The Farm, taking care of them.[67] [The contemporary film The Patriot features a similar scenario. In its dramatized events of the Revolutionary War, amidst nearby battle skirmishes, wounded soldiers from both sides are nursed at the protagonist’s plantation house, before the character based on Tarleton makes his fateful appearance.[68]] The nurse Mrs. Lewis’ husband, Nicholas Lewis, was a justice and sheriff of Albemarle County, who was presently absent serving as a Colonel in the Continental Army. His military service and character were paid tribute in The Writings of Thomas Jefferson. The two were actually good friends who had met while surveying together:
Nicholas Lewis... commanded a regiment of militia in the successful expedition of 1776, against the Cherokee Indians, who, seduced by the agents of the British government to take up the hatchett against us, had committed great havoc on our southern frontier... This member of the family of Lewises, whose bravery was usefully proved on this occasion, was endeared to all who knew him by his inflexible probity, courteous disposition, benevolent heart, and engaging modesty and manners. He was the umpire of all the private differences of his county, selected always by both parties.[69]
Banastre Tarleton made the Lewis home his headquarters, apparently keeping Daniel Boone (and possibly others) imprisoned in a coal storage building. [His son Nathan Boone later said, “Very likely, his father may have pretended contentment, & sung songs while in durance.”][70] Mary Walker-Lewis was hostess to these unexpected guests, and carefully preserved a chair (originally Meriwether’s), that Tarleton used during his stay which lasted through the night of June 4, 1781. The Green Dragoons camped out on the premises,[71] and Tarleton slept on the floor of the parlor wrapped in his horseman’s cloak, while a saddled horse stood at the door, as was his habit. An anecdote of this visit is described by author Henry Stephens Randall. After rising early the next morning, while Tarleton was shaving, a shot was heard from the direction of Monticello, which echoed to seem like uneven fire from several muskets. Dressed in only pantaloons, shirt, and boots, with his face still well-lathered, Tarleton quickly mounted his horse, drew his saber, and spurred fiercely in the direction of the sound of the shot, that had not then entirely faded away. He shouted to his men to mount and follow. Randall concluded, “A more soldierly man, on action, never drew a blade in battle.”[72] A gathering of local militia and heavy rains hastened the Legion’s departure to the afternoon of the 5th. The Farm was little the worse for wear from the experience, though The Green Dragoons did take a fine flock of ducks with them when they departed. Curiously, they left the flock’s veteran leader, and Mrs. Walker sent a servant to take the forlorn drake to Tarleton with her compliments, stating that as its comrades were gone, he had better take it, too. The Lt. Colonel accepted the gift with gracefully ironic thanks and a bow. Remembering this in affectionate amusement, her family gave their mother her other nickname, “Captain Molly.”[73]
Today, a historic plaque on the plantation’s only surviving building from that time, the cook house, tells the story of the British Legion’s 18 hour visit. The Cook House of The Farm, with its original chimney and walls, has been renovated to a residence by a local Architect, University of Virginia Professor Michael Bednar. Next to the Cook House is a grand manor house dating to 1826, built by John A. G. Davis who later in 1832 acquired the Lewis property, utilizing some of its buildings. [A beloved professor of law at the University of Virginia, his murder in 1840 by a student on the campus lawn sparked the creation of that institution’s Code of Honor.] The grand house was built 80’ south of the now demolished Lewis home visited by Tarleton. Over the years, the city of Charlottesville grew to completely occupy the lands that once were The Farm. The original cook house/residence, on the National Register of Historic Places, today faces Twelfth Street in the neighborhood of East Jefferson Street (a few blocks East of downtown).[74] Perhaps attesting to the beauty of the area, Charlottesville was recently named the best small city in the South and the healthiest place to live in the United States of America.[75]
Another vestige of The Farm has a story as well. The Lewis family cemetery got its start when a British soldier, actually a prisoner-of-war from The Barracks, was lent for work assignments at The Farm. He was in declining health and had been well-cared for by Mrs. Lewis. It is said he took daily walks on the hills overlooking the Rivanna River, and one day he planted a tulip poplar tree on the top of one hill. He requested that if he died in America, he be buried there, and his request was honored. Also buried there were Mary Walker-Lewis, her husband Nicholas Lewis, and their son Thomas Walker Lewis. For some time, it was a popular walking destination in Charlottesville to go visit the “British Soldier’s grave.”[76] His grave today is regrettably unmarked along with Mary Walker’s, but there is an ornate gravestone and plaque placed by the Daughters of the American Revolution commemorating Nicholas Lewis, and his son’s grave is also is noted, both now in the shade of a mature hemlock tree. More than a century after they were interred, a large public cemetery grew around the site, now called Riverview Cemetery, on Charlottesville’s southeast edge that borders the Rivanna River.
V. the Revolution is Won
After the drama and violence of the early June days and nights in 1781, life in Charlottesville gradually returned more to its routines. The most hunted General Assembly in Virginia’s history reconvened at the Old Trinity Church in Staunton with most of its members, somewhat riled by their recent harrowing experiences. Some placed blame on Jefferson for their lack of security. Their first meeting on June 7 was interrupted by a patriot militiaman intent on reporting to the Assembly a message from the Baron Von Steuben. Mistaking him for one of the British Legion, the skittish Assembly members saw him and took to their heels in flight.[77] Regaining their composure, on June 15, both houses of the Assembly voted and approved the following resolution:
Resolved, That the executive be desired to present to Captain John Jouett with an elegant sword and a pair of pistols as a memorial of the high senses which the General Assembly entertain of his activity and enterprise in watching the motions of the enemy’s cavalry on their late incursion to Charlottesville and conveying to the assembly timely information of their approach, whereby the designs of the enemy were frustrated and many valuable stores preserved.[78]
The Assembly later voted to exonerate Jefferson of any blame. A year later, Jouett traveled Daniel Boone’s Wilderness Road to Kentucky, serving well as a progressive delegate in State Assemblies. On its anniversary, his heroic ride is reenacted by a modern-day relative in commemoration activities.[79]
On the other side, unsuccessful in the main goal of his mission, Lt. Col. Banastre Tarleton and his Green Dragoons sometime June 6-9 made it back to join General Cornwallis at Point of Fork, where the Rivanna River meets the James River (near present day Columbia). He reported “the attempt to secure Mr. Jefferson was ineffectual.” Their main prisoners from the raid were then paroled, including Daniel Boone.[80] Over the next few months, the British forces then shifted into a defensive posture near Yorktown, Virginia. The French fleet arrived to block a possible British escape from Chesapeake Bay, and in early September 1781 General George Washington’s army had made it to Virginia on land to surround Cornwallis with a combined force of about 18,000 and siege his base at Yorktown. On October 17th, 1781, Cornwallis surrendered and the Revolutionary War had been won by America.[81]
Tarleton was coolly treated, and not invited to participate in the subsequent social interaction between British and Patriot officers. It is said there may have been an attempt on his life. Cornwallis stuck by him, though, and back in Great Britain, hungry for a hero and some redemption of the long War, Banastre Tarleton was greeted enthusiastically. He found himself among the best social circles, and was a friend of the young Prince of Wales. Some years later a London newspaper published articles blaming Tarleton for the British loss at the Battle of Cowpens. In response, he wrote his book, A History of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781, in the Southern Provinces of North America. Tarleton indiscreetly put blame on Cornwallis, and lost his friendship, and wore out his welcome in some social circles as well. A risk-taker by nature, he also at times wrestled with gambling debts. However, his home town elected him to seven terms in Parliament.[82]
What can we make of Banastre Tarleton today? A contemporary American might see him sort of like a well-drawn villain of an Ian Fleming novel: intelligent, subtly menacing, and the instigator of a far more interesting plot that we might have otherwise conceived, one in which we are fortunately shown to eventually triumph. It is Henry Stephens Randall, though, who best seems to sum up the controversial, rakish, enigmatic talent of Tarleton, with a bit of Victorian flair:
Tarleton was his [General Cornwallis’] hunting leopard, glossy, beautifully mottled, but swift and fell—when roused by resistance, ferocious… Few were the commanders opposed to him whom he did not at one time or another surprise—and among them were Colonel Washington, Sumpter, and some others… Tarleton was a man of imposing, and when necessary, dignified manners—his conversation that of a soldier and well bred man of the world… he knew how to be studiously courteous to a foe. We cannot convince ourselves that he was cruel by nature, or took any pleasure in the atrocities committed by his band. We take him to have been one of those smooth, hard, unfeeling men, often met with… who are not easily overcome by human distress—who, with the decisive promptitude of their energetic natures, do what they regard as necessary to their end…[83]
Banastre Tarleton was promoted to General, was created a baronet, and knighted. He married but died childless on January 25, 1833.
Epilogue: Cloverfields
There are many other family stories of experiences during the American Revolution. Many Meriwethers bravely served their fledgling country during these fateful times. One more story at least should be told here, about the owner of The Farm’s brother, William Lewis. He was an officer in the Virginia Military Continental Line. His rank varies with a number of sources, but he seems to have been at least a Lieutenant in the Revolutionary Army in 1776.[84] He was the 3rd signer of the Albemarle County Declaration of Independence on April 21st, 1779.[85] Later that year on November 12, he was on leave from the Continental Army to visit his wife and children, including a 5-year-old Meriwether Lewis, at their home in Locust Hill. Along the way at Secretary’s Ford near Charlottesville, he tried to cross the flood-swollen Rivanna River, and his horse was swept away and drowned. William Lewis swam ashore, then hiked to a closer destination, Cloverfields, the childhood home of his wife Lucy Meriwether. It would have been the nearest of a series of family plantations, including Belvoir and Castle Hill along the Southwest Mountains, that had once all been the land of his grandfather Nicholas Meriwether II. [Though most have been dispersed in ownership, Cloverfields is still today owned by descendants of the Meriwether family.] Lewis made it to the plantation, but contracted pneumonia and died two days later. He was interred there, and a marker was erected by the Daughters of the American Revolution in the 1930’s.[86] Edward C. Mead said of the Cloverfields Cemetery,
Here sleep undisturbed on their native ground those noble men and women who lived in the exciting times of the Revolution and saw the wild country emerge into a ‘new nation’, and, with hearts glowing with love and patriotism, gently sank to rest, beloved by all those around them… It is now kept sacred, and forms a valuable guide-post to the historian in his search for the early characters in Virginia history.[87]
The End
@copyright 2005 Stephen Meriwether Long
