Subject: Beaufort Area Overview
Resent-Date: Sun, 12 Jul 1998 00:33:48 -0700 (PDT)
Resent-From: SCROOTS-L@rootsweb.com
Date: Sun, 12 Jul 1998 03:33:10 -0400
From: "Steven J. Coker"
Reply-To: SCROOTS-L@rootsweb.com
Organization: http://members.tripod.com/~SCROOTS
To: SCROOTS-L@rootsweb.com
Selected Extracts From:
Archaeological Survey and Testing of the Cram Tract
Beaufort County, South Carolina
Prepared For Calibogue River Partnership Hilton Head Island, SC
By Tina M. Rust Archaeologist, Bruce G. Harvey Historian,
and Todd McMakin Archaeologist
Under the Direction of Eric C. Poplin, Ph.D. Principal Investigator
Copyright July 1997
[118 pages plus preface and appendices]
Brockington and Associates, Inc.
1051 Johnnie Dodds Blvd., Suite F
Mt. Pleasant, SC 29464
843-881-3128
This copy made with permission of Eric Poplin, Brockington and Associates,
Inc.
-=-=-=-=-=-
Beaufort County lies in the extreme southeastern portion of South Carolina on
the Lower Coastal Plain. Flat lowlands and low ridges with slopes of less than
2 percent characterize the region. Elevations in the region range from 0-30 m
amsl. Much of the area is extremely wet, especially near numerous streams and
rivers that drain the region. The Colleton River, and its associated marsh,
borders the project tract to the north, east, and west. The river is actively
eroding the high land (known as Victoria Bluff).
Climate and Soils
Average yearly rainfall in the county is approximately 1.2 m. Temperatures are
mild in winter and warm in summer, ranging between 50º and 80º F throughout
the year. The county frequently enjoys 280-290 frost-free days per year (Stuck
1980).
The tropical storm season usually runs from July through October. Hurricanes
are rare for the area, but tropical storms with winds up to 50 miles per hour
occur an average of every two to three years. Tornado season runs from March
through October, but April and May are the most tornado-prone months. Many
reported tornadoes are waterspouts that do not come ashore.
-=-=-=-=-=-
On a regional level, vegetation and climate have remained effectively static
since the Early Holocene. Table 1 presents the sea level curve proposed by
Brooks et al. (1989); the dates in the table reflect high or low stands that
occurred within an overall rise in sea level.
Table 1. South Carolina Sea Level Data (from Brooks et al. 1989).
Date Sea Level Condition
5000 BC 6.5 m In continuing rise
3000 BC 4.5 m Significant low stand
2800 BC 1.5 m High stand
2500 BC 3.5 m Low stand
2200 BC 1.0 m High stand
1900 BC 3.2 m Low stand
1700 BC 0.8 m Significant high stand
1300 BC 4.0 m Significant low stand
1000 BC 1.0 m High stand
800 BC 1.9 m Low stand
600 BC 0.7 m High stand
400 BC 3.0 m Significant low stand
AD 300 0.4 m High stand
AD 600 0.6 m Low stand
AD 900 0.4 m High stand
AD 1300 1.2 m Low stand
AD 1989 0.0 m In continuing rise
Sea level is in meters below present high marsh surface.
-=-=-=-=-=-
Historic Overview
The low-lying lands surrounding the Port Royal area were an early focus of
European settlement. The Spanish and the French sought to hold the excellent
harbor and rich swamp lands in the sixteenth century, while Scottish and
English settlers first aligned with and then defeated local Indians in the
late seventeenth century. The project tract lies on Colleton Neck, where the
Colleton River joins the Chechessee River shortly before the Chechessee River
opens into Port Royal Sound. These rivers provided crucial access to markets
for the staple crops of cotton, indigo, and rice grown on the nearby
plantations for those settlers who lived in the area first as English
colonists and later as South Carolinians.
The political boundaries of the Port Royal area changed several times during
the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries. The Carolina colony
consisted of four coastal counties in the seventeenth century: Craven,
Berkeley, Colleton, and Granville. There were no county seats and all official
records were kept in Charleston. The Church Act of 1706 divided the coastal
portions of South Carolina into parishes between 1706 and 1767, with each
Parish centered around an Anglican church. St. Luke's Parish was created in
1767 and included the project tract. The colony of South Carolina was
reorganized into circuit court districts in 1769. The project area was within
Beaufort District, the seat of which moved from Beaufort to Coosawhatchie in
the early nineteenth century, to Gillisonville in the 1830s, and then back to
Beaufort later in the nineteenth century. The new state constitution of 1868
redesignated the districts as counties, and the Cram Tract has remained within
Beaufort County since then.
Spanish exploration on the South Carolina coast began as early as 1514, and a
landing party went ashore in the Port Royal vicinity (now Beaufort County) in
1520 at a spot they named Santa Elena (Hoffman 1983:64; Rowland 1978:1). From
that time on, the Port Royal area was of great interest to both the Spanish
and the French. This was not a permanent settlement, however. The first
Spanish attempt at a permanent settlement on the South Carolina coast, in
1526, was San Miguel de Gualdape. The location of this settlement has long
been in some dispute, with opinions ranging from the Winyah Bay area near
Georgetown, to as far south as St. Catherine's Sound in Georgia (Rowland et
al. 1996:18). The French, under Jean Ribault, also attempted to establish a
settlement on the South Carolina coast in 1562. This settlement on Parris
Island was called Charlesfort; it also was unsuccessful.
French presence on the South Carolina coast drew the Spanish back to protect
their original interest. Spanish forces attacked Charlesfort and established
their own settlement at Santa Elena in 1566. Recent archaeological evidence
indicates that the Spanish built their new settlement of Santa Elena on top of
the destroyed French settlement. Local Indians, the Cusabo, were less than
friendly. Despite numerous attacks and several burnings, the Spanish settlers
did not abandon Santa Elena until 1587 (Lyon 1984; Rowland 1978:25-57). The
Spanish maintained their interest in Santa Elena as part of a series of
missions on the Sea Islands from St. Augustine, Florida, through Georgia, and
into South Carolina; Spanish friars were at "St. Ellens" when William Hilton
visited the area in 1663 (Covington 1968:8-9; Hilton 1664:2). During its
twenty-year existence, this settlement served as the base for the first
serious explorations into the interior of the state.
English Colonial Occupation
Settlers in the Carolina Low Country were caught up in, and were integral
parts of wide-ranging disputes and rivalries among the English, Spanish,
Indians, and African slaves. These disputes and rivalries encompassed nearly
all of the Low Country, an area that spanned hundreds of miles from
Georgetown, South Carolina to St. Augustine, Florida. The Spanish had routed
the French in East Florida in 1565, and established a settlement at what is
now St. Augustine. This Spanish presence was a continual threat to the English
settlers, particularly after the 1670s, when Spain learned of the Charles
Towne settlement along the Ashley River.
King Charles II of England disregarded Spain's claim to the region, and he
granted Carolina to the Lords Proprietors in 1662. A group of Barbados
planters hired William Hilton to explore the acquisition the next year. Hilton
spent over a month in the waters of both Port Royal and St. Ellens, leaving
with a high opinion of the area's potential as a colony (Hilton 1664).
Prompted by the account of tall pines and good soils, a small colony set out
for Port Royal. Tales of hostile Indians convinced them to move farther north,
though, where they founded Charles Towne in 1670. One of the first orders of
business for the settlers was initiating trade with the Indians as a way of
ensuring both economic and physical survival (Covington 1968:9).
Scottish dissenters established Stuart's Town on Port Royal Island in 1684.
The Scots forged ties with the Yamasee Indians, who sought to avoid Spanish
missionaries in coastal Georgia. They effectively formed a defensive perimeter
of ten villages on the islands surrounding Port Royal Sound. Stuart's Town was
short-lived, however, and was destroyed by the Spanish in 1686, largely
because of joint Scottish-Yamasee attacks on the Spanish fort at Santa
Catalina. At this point the Yamasee left the Port Royal area and settled near
the Ashepoo and Combahee rivers (Green 1992:23-27).
A series of large land grants beginning in 1698 signaled a renewed interest in
settling the Port Royal area (Holmgren 1959:42). The Yamasee also returned to
the Port Royal area in the 1690s (Green 1992:28). When the town of Beaufort
was chartered in 1711, the Yamasee still had ten villages in what are now
Beaufort and Jasper counties; the available evidence does not allow a positive
location of these sites, and it is unclear if any lie within the project
tract. Angered by mistreatment from traders, the Indians attacked, but did not
succeed in dislodging the English in the Yamasee War in 1715 (Covington
1968:12). At the time, many blamed the war on Spanish influence from Florida,
but a more likely cause was the English traders' practice of seizing Indian
women and children, and holding them as slaves to meet Indian debts.
These early settlements grew slowly, and despite its geographic spread, the
Low Country of South Carolina contained around 5,000 European and African
American inhabitants in 1700 (Kovacik and Winberry 1989:77). The early economy
centered on naval stores, beef and pork production, and deerskin trade with
the Native American populations. By the end of the seventeenth century,
however, the colonists had begun to experiment with rice cultivation. The
first attempts at growing rice in the Low Country were on dry upland soil. By
the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, however, attention turned
to the inland swamps. Use of this new environment required the construction of
elaborate drainage ditches and canals, and other vast modifications to the
terrain. Indigo complemented rice as a cash crop by the 1740s, and became one
of South Carolina's principal exports during the eighteenth century. While
rice generally did not grow well on the Sea Islands, indigo was successful and
provided a strong economic base for the area. It died quickly as a staple
crop, however, after the Revolutionary War.
The Revolution and its Aftermath
The colonies declared their independence from Britain in 1776, following
several years of increasing tension due to unfair taxation and trade
restrictions imposed on them by the British Parliament. South Carolinians were
divided during the war, although most citizens ultimately supported the
American cause. Those individuals who remained loyal to the British government
tended to reside in Charleston or in certain enclaves within the interior of
the province. The division of political sentiment in the Beaufort region was
especially strong. Many residents of the town of Beaufort and St. Helena
Parish were loyalists, while their neighbors in St. Luke's Parish were strong
advocates of independence. The divisions between loyalist and patriot were
both geographical and generational. Older members of respected colonial
families like the Bulls, Barnwells, and Heywards, for example, remained loyal
to the king, while their sons became active rebels (Rowland 1993).
Britain's Royal Navy attacked Fort Sullivan (later renamed Fort Moultrie) near
Charleston in 1776. The British failed to take the fort, and the defeat
bolstered the morale of American revolutionaries throughout the colonies. The
British military then turned their attention northward. They returned in 1778,
however, besieging and capturing Savannah late in December. Two months later
(February 1779), British troops attacked Port Royal Island. When British
forces under Gen. Augustine Prevost withdrew to Savannah after attempting to
take Charleston that same year, the rear guard of his army occupied Beaufort
(Rowland 1978, 1993).
A major British expeditionary force landed on Seabrook Island during the
winter of 1780, and then marched north and east to invade Charleston from its
landward approaches (Lumpkin 1981:42-46). The rebel South Carolinians were not
prepared for an attack from this direction. The British captured them in May
with little opposition. Charleston subsequently became a base of operations
for British campaigns into the interior of South Carolina, Georgia, and North
Carolina. However, the combined American and French victory over Lord
Cornwallis at Yorktown in 1782 effectively destroyed British military activity
in the south and forced a negotiated peace (Lumpkin 1981). The 13 colonies
gained full independence, and the English evacuated Charleston in December
1782.
The Port Royal area was hard hit by the armies that passed back and forth. The
legacy of war in the area was not promising. A minister who fled the Port
Royal area during the war described the changes when he returned at the end of
the war. "All was desolation .... Every field, every plantation, showd [sic]
marks of ruin and devastation. Not a person was to be met with in the roads.
All was Gloomy [sic] .... The people that remain have been peeled, pillaged,
and plundered. Poverty, want, and hardship appear in almost every countenance"
(quoted in Weir 1983:336).
One immediate administrative change in the Beaufort District after the war was
its subdivision into Shrewsbury, Lincoln, Hilton, and Granville counties in
1785. However, the counties created at this time failed to supplant the
earlier parishes as political entities and soon were abandoned (Stauffer
1994).
Antebellum Period
Plantation agriculture based on slave labor and cotton production
characterized the period between the close of the American Revolution and the
beginning of the Civil War. With Eli Whitney's invention of the cotton gin on
a Savannah River plantation in 1793, cotton superseded rice as the South's
most important cash crop. Although rice remained an important crop along the
major fresh water swamps and rivers of the South Carolina Low Country, the Sea
Islands of Beaufort District were completely devoted to the cultivation of
long staple cotton.
Long staple, or Sea Island, cotton was introduced in the Low County in the
1790s. The seeds for Sea Island cotton came from loyalist families who had
left the American colonies in the 1780s and settled in the Bahamas. Long
staple cotton was grown to great profit in the Bahamas during the late 1780s.
The poor soil in the Bahamas, however, quickly lost its ability to produce
exportable quantities of cotton, and the loyalist families sent seeds to
friends and relatives in the Sea Islands in Beaufort District. William Elliott
II was the first in the Beaufort District to plant the new staple at his
plantation on Hilton Head Island in 1790 (Rowland et al. 1996:278-280). The
timely arrival of long staple cotton allowed planters in the Beaufort District
to switch seamlessly from indigo production, which suffered with the loss of
its British subsidy, to another high-profit staple crop.
Sea Island cotton provided high market returns for planters on the Sea Islands
throughout the antebellum period, and established a political counterweight to
the rice planters of the mainland (Rowland et al. 1996:280). The fine, long
staple cotton (3.81-5.08 cm compared to 1.91-2.54 cm for upland cotton) was
used to weave the finest laces and fabrics. The crop thrived on the soils of
the Sea Islands, where farmers fertilized it with marsh mud, eventually even
reclaiming salt marshes for cotton fields. The diking and ditching necessary
for this reclamation, and also to channel away torrential rains from the
fields, created a flood control system nearly as extensive as that for rice.
According to Gray (1933:734-735):
[I]t was customary to "quarter-drain" the land; that is, divide it into
square plots of 1/4 acre by cross ditches about 105 feet apart, commonly
spoken of as a "task."
The crop was planted on high ridges thrown up at distances of 3 to 6 feet,
usually about 4 feet. In the old sea-island region the labor of throwing up
the ridges and the entire work of cultivation were generally performed with
the hoe until near the close of the period. Many planters maintained permanent
ridges, sometimes alternating them with provision crops. Others continued the
older practice of hauling down the ridges into the baulks, bedding on the
cotton stalks and other manures. In the last two decades of the ante bellum
[sic] period the plow was more generally employed.
The crop required greater care in production than the shorter stapled upland
cotton, and underwent several different operations prior to being shipped.
These included planting, hoeing, picking, whipping, moting, ginning (initially
by hand, then by treadle gins, and by the 1850s the larger and mechanized
McCarthy Gin), and packing. Bale weights averaged 300 to 350 pounds, and
actually were large, round sacks of cotton - not the square, higher
compression bales used for upland cotton (Gray 1933:735-737). The wealth
returned to the planters of St. Helena and St. Luke's parishes and the other
Sea Islands as a result of this crop provided an opulent lifestyle second only
to that enjoyed by Low Country rice planters. As one northern reporter
observed, Beaufort and its environs was "the exclusive home of the most
exclusive few of that most exclusive aristocracy" (quoted in Rose
1964:xiv-xv).
The Civil War
Seven months after the successful Confederate attack on Fort Sumter, the
initial military action of the Civil War, Beaufort and the surrounding Sea
Islands fell to Union forces. The Federal fleet attacked the harbor of Port
Royal on 7 November 1861. Union forces made effective use of steamboat
technology as their nineteen boats repeatedly steamed past Fort Walker on the
northern end of Hilton Head Island in a tight elliptical formation, bombarding
as they passed. While they originally stayed out of firing range for the
Confederate shells, the Federal ships steamed closer to the coast with each
pass. After five hours of bombardment, Fort Walker surrendered. When
Confederate forces learned of Fort Walker's surrender they determined that the
defense of the harbor was impossible and ordered the retreat from Fort
Beauregard on Port Royal Sound's eastern shore (Carse 1961:11; Official
Records [OR] I(6):27-29). Sea Island plantation owners fled to the mainland,
leaving behind a slave populace convinced that they would soon be free (Rose
1964:11-12).
Federal troops occupied the entire Port Royal area. Treasury Department
operatives and abolitionists (missionaries, teachers, farm managers, and
agents for northern investors) swarmed over the islands within weeks of the
military invasion. Congress passed a Direct Tax law in August 1861, and an
enforcement provision in June 1862. This placed a levy on all properties held
by the Confederates in the Sea Islands. The former owners were given 60 days
to pay the taxes, plus penalties, or sell the property. Few if any levies were
paid by their owners who had fled at the Union occupation of Port Royal. All
of the lands in St. Helena Parish and a portion of those in St. Luke's were
confiscated. The land was advertised for sale in January 1863 (Free South
1863), and in a series of public government auctions 76,775 acres were sold,
60,296 (or 78 percent) going to the US Government for military, educational,
and charitable purposes. Freedmen, military leaders, and abolitionists hotly
contested the sales, the conditions of which effectively prevented blacks from
buying the lands that they had formerly worked. Nevertheless, the sale and the
accompanying surveys of parish land went forward, as the tax commission sought
the highest return for the government. This land confiscation and
redistribution had significant lasting effects on the parish for over thirty
years, leaving a legacy of government regulations, additional sales, and court
cases long after the war was over (Rose 1964; Rosengarten 1986).
Despite the controversy surrounding property ownership, the area surrounding
Port Royal Sound served as the proving ground for Reconstruction policy toward
the freedmen. In the early part of the war, many in the North did not believe
that the liberated slaves would labor without being forced to do so. Policies
quickly changed, however, and the US Army, Department of the South, issued
General Orders No. 9 in February 1862 which set up districts to oversee
plantation work and provided educational and religious instruction to the
former slaves (OR I(6):222-223). The experience in the Port Royal area proved
that freedmen could be successful, self-sufficient farmers. It was hoped that
this experiment would prepare freedmen for land ownership and stimulate
economic independence through agriculture (Rose 1964; Rosengarten 1986).
Postbellum Adaptations
Beaufort District became Beaufort "County" in 1868, under the newly ratified
state constitution that redesignated South Carolina's judicial districts
(Stauffer 1994). Ten years later Hampton County was created from northern and
western Beaufort County. Jasper County was then created from southern Hampton
County in 1912, thus containing what was, prior to 1878, western Beaufort
County.
Administrative changes were among the least of the transformations experienced
by Beaufort County residents in the aftermath of the Civil War. The
overwhelming number of blacks in the county enjoyed more thorough political
participation, for a longer period, than African Americans elsewhere in the
state; they were led by a former freedman-turned congressman, Robert Smalls.
Most of the county's officeholders were African Americans well into the 1880s,
and the congressional district, of which the county was a part, elected black
representatives until 1896 (Edgar 1992).
The Civil War effectively destroyed the plantation system in South Carolina
and the rest of the South. This meant profound changes for the county both
economically and socially. The antebellum economic system disintegrated as a
result of emancipation and the physical destruction of agricultural property
through neglect and (to a lesser extent) military action. A constricted money
supply coupled with huge debt made the readjustments worse. The changes were
enormous. Land ownership was reshuffled, as outsiders began purchasing plots
and former plantations abandoned in the wake of the Civil War. Newly freed
former slaves often exercised their freedom by moving, making the labor
situation even more unsettled.
One result of this migration was a variety of labor systems; this fostered an
era of experimentation and redefinition in the socioeconomic relationships
between the freed black, landless whites, and white landowners. Although many
freedmen owned their own small farms, farm tenancy emerged as a dominant form
of agricultural land management toward the end of the nineteenth century.
Large tracts of Beaufort Country were purchased by northern investors or
regained by their former southern owners (now repatriated). This movement
toward amalgamation slowly drove the freedmen into tenancy arrangements as
sharecroppers or cash renters. This trend was so pervasive in South Carolina
that the state ranked second in the nation in percentage of tenant farmers
(61.1) in 1890 (Wilson and Ferris 1989:30).
While census statistics for Beaufort County in 1890 and 1900 indicate that the
average farm size was approximately 45 acres, a figure deceptively close to
the "40 acres and a mule" ideal held by the Freedmen's Bureau during
Reconstruction, very little of the county outside St. Helena Parish went to
the former slaves (US Census Statistics 1895, 1902). In fact, only a small
portion of the St. Helena property seized and sold by the US Government during
and after the war made it to the hands of freedmen (Rose 1964, Rosengarten
1986). For instance, only three lots of 20 acres or less each on Salem
Plantation of Port Royal Island were sold to free African Americans. These
transactions did not occur until 1885 or after, and the property was quickly
repurchased by whites (Beaufort County Deed Book (BCDB) 18:133, 583, 589, 740,
766). Developers actively encouraged small farmers to immigrate to the area to
break the pattern of large landholding, but their efforts were focused on
whites (Maul n.d.).
Turpentine and timber led the county's economy during the late nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries. Agricultural production included cattle, swine, and
the traditional crops of cotton and corn. Vegetable and truck crops were also
raised, thriving in the county's long, warm growing season (Maul n.d.; US
Census Statistics 1895, 1902).
Although cultivated until the third decade of the twentieth century, Sea
Island cotton never approached its former status in price, crop yield, or
quality (Rose 1964; Rosengarten 1986). In the three years before the war,
Beaufort County produced 54,904 bales of the staple. A decade later
(1870-1873) only 23,307 bales made it to market. By the end of the same
decade, over 100,000 acres of formerly cultivated land lay fallow. Some
decline was due to natural forces, such as the unfavorable weather in the
years after the war. The altered labor force and lack of capital by former
owners who could no longer afford large scale operations, also stymied
production. As Rose (1964:381-382) noted, "other land was in disuse because
many northern investors had failed at cotton planting." However, the cotton
culture persisted. The US Department of Agriculture developed the first
wilt-free variety of Sea Island cotton off the coast of South Carolina in
1899. The hope produced by such advances was dashed with the arrival of the
boll weevil in South Carolina. The severe infestations of the pest eliminated
Sea Island cotton as a viable crop (Wilson and Ferris 1989:32, 41).
The United States government became the major employer and economic force in
the Beaufort vicinity between World War I and World War II with the
establishment of the Parris Island Marine Corps Recruiting Depot (Butler et
al. 1994). Otherwise, the predominantly black population of St. Helena Parish
remained isolated, eking a living from their small farms, and gardens,
hunting, and fishing in the area's vast woodlands and wetlands until large
scale land development began on the islands in the 1960s.
-=-=-=-=-=-
[The 13 page bibliograpy has been omitted in this extract.]
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Subject: Re: Robert Dowling
Resent-Date: Fri, 10 Jul 1998 22:21:58 -0700 (PDT)
Resent-From: SCROOTS-L@rootsweb.com
Date: Sat, 11 Jul 1998 01:21:28 -0400
From: "Steven J. Coker"
Organization: http://members.tripod.com/~SCROOTS
To: SCROOTS-L@rootsweb.com
Here are a few Dowlings I noticed on a copy in my files. Question marks
indicate where the copy is hard to read. Also, a Dowling friend of mine, who
lived in Ireland when he was young, tells me the family is Irish.
Hope this helps,
Steve Coker
-=-=-=-=-
Sumter District Conveyances Index Page 122
Names Of Parties Date Book Page Remarks
Dowling John E. fr D. J. Winn Assignee 1869 S 214 Deed of Land
" " " " Thos. & Thos S. Pool " " 590 Lien on crop
" " " " Thos. Lowry " " 605 " " "
" " " " Benj. White " " 618 " " "
" &J.P.Bran}to Wm. Bogin 1870 T 112 Receipt
=now}
" " " fr R. M. Jones 1871 " 589 Mortgage of [?]
" " " to Mary A. Brennan " TT 89 Deed of land
" Mrs. J. fr T. J. Coghlan 1861? O 228 " " "
" Johannnah(?) to Wm. Bogin 1852 OO 4 " " "
-=-=-=-=-
LBate18495@aol.com wrote:
>
> I am trying to find out about the family of Robert Dowling he was from
> the Jeffries Creek Community of South Carolina. His descendants moved to Dale
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