GAYMAN, JACOB IN Delaware 8/5/1837 Fort Wayne 14380 IN3450__.084 (of Pickaway Co. OH) document
History of Delaware County - Union Township (Excerpts from pages 73 and 79 through 87): Section 10 was all taken up in 1836, Jacob Shideler entered the southeast quarter May 23, 1836, Jacob Gayman the north half September 20, 1836 and William Adsit the southwest quarter November 21, 1836.
Section 11 was also entirely purchased of the government in the year of 1836 by John Lambert, John Gayman, Abraham Gray, Abraham Shideler, Archibald Ray and Daniel Haynes.
Message board: from Tom Gayman 16 Jul 2000: Daniel owned several hundred acres in Pickaway Co. OH and prior to his death, deeded acreage to Jacob and [his sister] Elizabeth (they had been living on it).
Oct 2003 emails from Tom Gayman:
When I was in my youth (now 71), I remember the Gayman Family cemetery on the Gayman farm which adjoined the 4 acres on which we lived. The 4 acres had been given to my grandparents by the 2nd Isaac Gayman, father of my grandfather.
Daniel's grave and those of other deceased members of the family were in this graveyard. I left PA in 1952, returning here in 1990.
Shortly after I left PA, some boys from Marianna found the cemetery and began carrying off the grave markers. They were caught one day and a couple markers were retrieved, Daniel's being one of them. The photo of Daniel's headstone was taken in the barn of the old Gayman homeplace, where it is now stored. The Gayman farm is still in the family today, with a bicentennial sign on it. Sorry I did not take a photo of the bicentennial sign, but only of the one that is erected near it.
Biographical sketch - History of Franklin and Pickaway Counties, Ohio, pages 306-309: "Peter Van Buskirk who married Ruth Rhodes in Aleghey County, MD, before 1795, was a Maryland farmer in early days. In the year 1799 he removed to Ohio, coming over the mountains with pack horses.
They stopped a year, in Chillicothe (Ross County) Ohio, then but a few stragging log cabins occupied the site of that, now populous city and the red man held almost undisputed possession of the soil.
After one year in Ross County, Mr. Van Buskirk penetrated into the wilderness to what is now Pickaway co. Ohio, locating on the bank of Deer Creek, near Williamsport in this county where he located on a tract of 900 acres of land that he bought of the goverment. By some he is regarded as the pioneer settler in Monroe Twp. He erected a log cabin and with his family bgan the primitive life necessitated by their wild surroundings"
Subsequently, with his wife and four children, he emigrated to Ohio, settling in Cuyahoga County, fifteen miles from Cleveland. He there engaged in farming, also carried on a store and ran a mill. He took an active part in politics and became a prominent citizen of that community.
In 1849, he started for California, and from that time the family never received word from him.
Genealogical data in the Lightfoot Family Association (LFA) Newsletters however, clearly establish that William and Leanna were NOT his biological parents. The LFA Newsletters do record a "John Lightfoot" born to Phillip and Susannah (Smith) Lightfoot in 1809, a date that agrees with John Lafayette's birth date as recorded in his obituary. He is listed in the 1850 census (at age 41) with his own family in Tipton County, Indiana and in the 1860 census in Madison County, Indiana. (Both counties located just NE of Indianapolis). The family moved to the area around Fairchild and Humbird, Wisconsin in Eau Claire and Clark Counties around 1865 and then migrated west into Western Minnesota (Cloquet) probably some time in the 1870's.
His obituary which appeared in the Fergus falls, Minnesota newspaper reads as follows: "The death of Mr. Lightfoot, father of James Lightfoot of Scrambler and Ben Lightfoot of Fergus Falls, occurred on Sunday the 13th and he will be buried on Tuesday the 15th. Mr. Lightfoot has passed his allotted time and has during the last few years been a great sufferer."
And in the Scrambler Newspaper dated 15 Nov.1892 as follows: "Old Mr. Lightfoot was buried here today. He had been poorly for several years and died from old age and debility. His age was about 85. He has a number of children and other relatives about. Benjamin Lightfoot of Fergus Falls is his son and his wife survives him." NOTE: Another reference indicates that he died and/or was buried in Pelican Rapids.
In the 200th Anniversary Celebration of the Christ Evangelical & Reformed Church, a pageant depicting its history included portrayals of 4 members of the Hensell family.
Will dated 23 Aug 1781 Berkeley Co. VA; Will Was Probated 18 Sep 1781 Berkeley Co. VA
Kent Family Tree - Ancestry.com: From the Kent Genealogy by Arthur Scott Kent (1933): "Ebenezer Mott, father of Martha (Mott) Fennimore, married Sarah Collins probably in Burlington Co., NJ. He had formerly lived in Kingston, RI and later in Tuckerton, RI. His first wife, Elizabeth died about 1745. Ebenezer was descended from Adam Mott, who was born in Cambridge Co., England in 1596.
Joe's Genes - Ancestry.com: Evidently a strong Quaker, his origins are unknown, although there is much speculation. He was probably born about 1700, perhaps in Rhode Island, but the first reference to him is in 1744 in Kingstown. Evidently married earlier than that to perhaps Elizabeth Southwick, he remarried when she died ca 1742.
Moving with his wife, daughter and baby son John to Egg Harbor, New Jersey he moved on within the year to Mt. Holly near Burlington, New Jersey, where the rest of his family was born. There he evidently became a Quaker elder and no doubt was a friend of John Woolman, the great Quaker preacher of the 18th century, who witnessed his will in 1770, several years before Woolman himself died in England.
Certificates issued by Quaker monthly meetings to move appear over the next several years locating her from South Kingston to Little Egg Harbor, NJ to the Burlington Monthly meeting when she and her husband took up their final residence in Mount Holly, NJ. She appears on her husband's will of 1770, but there is little else known about her. There was a family tradition that she was a great Quaker preacher who was memorialized by the Westerly, RI Monthly Meeting in their published (1814) memorial to the saints. Examination of that document concludes that this was a different Sarah Mott.
There is no record of him purchasing property until 1786 when he bought 167 acres in Brumfield Parish from Charles Halloway. The land being situated in the fork of the Rhappahanock River on the branches of the Butler's Swamp. However, he sold this land in 1794 to John Mason - possibly in anticipation of the coming move to Kentucky.
As the oldest son, at the age of about 44 when the migration to Kentucky took place, it is likely that he played a major role in organizing the family expedition. The move has been attributed to the family's involvement in the "Methodist Revival Movement" and their efforts to establish a community that was supportive of their religious beliefs. The party consisting of almost the entire William Lightfoot family including wives, children and grandchildren would have numbered about 60 persons at least (plus other families that accompanied them), moving into largely unchartered and hostile country. Their family bible undoubtedly accompanied them and has never been recovered or registered with the Lightfoot Family Association or any recognized genealogical agency.
The only subsequent records relating to John B. Lightfoot are based on correspondence between his sister Frances (in Kentucky) writing to her brother Phillip who remained in Virginia. It is recorded therein that John B. Lightfoot started and taught the first school in Pendleton, Kentucky.
From the book, Descendants of John Collins of Charlestown, RI,,etc..page 9.
"Of Susannah Daggett, his wife, Irish, in his history of Richmond, RI., tells this story: (page 92) "When a small child she was taken to the wigwam of an Indian chief by his squaw who found her lost in the woods. Late at night the chief returned home and told the squaw of a plan adopted to exterminate the whites. She cautioned him saying there is a little pale face sleeping in a bed of skins in the wigwam. The chief then told her the child must die, to which she remonstrated, saying that she had promised to take her home in the morning. The chief passing a firebrand over the face of Susannah and observing no signs of consciousness spared her life and she was able afterwards to give her friends warning and thwart the plans of the indians."
The same story is recorded in the Kingstown, RI 1753 minutes:
I, Elisha Yeomans of Tolland, do make and ordain this my last will and testament: My will is that my wife Mary Yeomans should have the use and improvement of my house, farm and all my estate, excepting my mother's interest in the same, her lifetime or during the time that she shall continue my widow; and all my moveable estate, after my debts are paid as aforesd. (except two heifers which shall be hereafter mentioned) I give unto my sd. wife to be at her use and dispose forever.
And my house and land I give unto my five children, to be unto them, their heirs and assigns forever, to be divided amongst them in manner and form as followeth:
I give unto my eldest son, Daniel [David] Yeomans, the 1-2 of my land yt lyeth on the north side of the highway that runeth east by my house, and also my house, and two acres of land to be laid out in some convenient form about the house. I give these unto my eldest son, Daniel [David] Yeomans, to him, his heirs and assigns forever.
I give unto my son Jonathan Yeomans the 1-2 of my land that lyeth on the north side of the highway aforementioned, to be unto him, his heirs and assigns forever.
My will is that all my land that lyeth on the south side of the aforementioned highway should be equally divided between my five children, viz., my two sons Daniel [David] Yeomans and Jonathan Yeomans, and my three daughters, viz., Jerusha Yeomans, Mary Yeomans and Hannah Yeomans, to be to them, their heirs and assigns forever.
I give unto my two daughters, Jerusha Yeomans and Mary Yeomans, the two heifers before mentioned, namely, two three-year-old heifers.
Lastly, I constitute, ordain and appoint my well-beloved wife Mary Yeomans to be the sole executrix of this my last will and testament.
Errata: Page 215 l. 14, for Daniel, read David. l. 18, for Daniel, read David. l. 23, for Daniel, read David. At end, add: Page 21 (Vol. XVI) 30 April, 1751: Jonathan Yeomans, aged 17, son of Elisha Yeomans, Tolland, deceased, chose Joshua Wills to be his guardian. [probably Joshua Wills Jr. who married Elisha's sister Millicent. See Tolland History p.71 and Records of Stonington CT.]
Court Record, Page 44--4 August, 1747: This Court grant Adms. on the estate of Nathan Orcutt, late of Stafford decd., unto Phebe Orcutt, widow, who gave bonds with William Orcutt of sd. Stafford of 600 money, and exhibited an inventory. Accepted.
Page 103--4 July, 1749: This Court appoint John Cross and Phebe his wife, both of Stafford, to be guardian unto Nathan Orcutt, 12 years, Hannah, 10 years, and Phebe Orcutt, 8 years of age, children of Nathan Orcutt deceased. John Cross and Phebe his wife, and Stephen Cross, all of Stafford, recog. in 500 for each minor.
Page 19 (Vol. XVI) 2 April, 1751: Nathan Orcutt, a minor, 14 years of age, chose Henry Lad of Coventry, in the County of Windham, to be his guardian. Recog., 500.
Page 27--21 June, 1751: John Cross, in right of his wife Phebe Orcutt (alias Cross), Adms., now moves to this Court for distribution of the estate, which this Court grant and appoint and impower Josiah Converse, Timothy Edson and Uriah Richardson, of Stafford, to distribute the estate, viz: s d
1691: Oliver Cope came to the port in New Castle DE where he lived and died. Oliver Cope's son John was born in New Castle CO DE ca 1691 and his son William Cope listed born ca 1672 was mostly born in Avebury, CO Wilts/Wilshire, England.
1695: Court record page 361- this is the deed record of Oliver Cope sold to Robert Pile/Pyle for 250 acres in Birmingham twp 10.10.1695. ...
1696: Brandywine Hundred on the Delaware 1696/97 tax listing: Oliver Cope ...
1697: DE will of Oliver Cope ...
Page 151--"John Collins, son of Henry and Ann, was lost by shipwreck in 1679. His wife, Abigail, survived him and to her administratiion was granted in June, 1680. His estate was valued at pound 365, 1s, 6d. He left twelve children, several of whom were quite young. A son, Samuel, had a good trade of a gunsmith."
Estate of John Collins of Lynn
Administation upon the estate of John Collens, intestate, was granted 29:4m:1680, unto Abigaile Collens, the widow, and there being an inventory brought in and allowed, as also an agreement drawn up by the widow with consent of children and relations of the father and mother forsettling the estate, it was allowed. "Salem Quarterly Court Records, vol. 6, leaf 9."
Inventory of the estate of John Collins of Lynn, who departed this life about Dec. 22, 1679, as being cast away at sea, and dyed intestate, taken March 27, 1680, by Andrew Mansfield and Ralph King and presented by Abigaile the widow of the deceased: wearein apparrill yt was not lost at sea, 3 li, 8s; Beding, Bedsteads, sheets, curtaines, vallenc, 17li. 1s.; cubord, cuboard cloath & a chest, 3 li. 5s.; Tables & joyned stools, 1li. 12s.; an ould cuboard, cradle, cheers and wheels, 1 li. 5s.; 5 cows, 2 oxen, 2steers, 33 li. 10s.; 19 sheep, 9 i 10s., puter & a Lattin pann, 1 li. 15s., 11 Ii, 5s.; Brass, 2 li., Iron pott & kettles, frying pan & a morter, 1 li. 14s., 3 li. 14s.; dog Irons, pot hooks, a pot hanger, 1 li. 5s.; Armes,4 li., stiliard, 10s., m syths 7 sickles, 10s., 5 li.; smoothing Iron, 3s., wooden ware, 10s., tooles & ould Iron, 1 li. 15s., 2 li. 8s.; a hatt, cuboard & a Box, 12s.; plows, carts,yoaks,chaine, 2 li, 2s., 2 li. 14s.; woolen & linnen yarne, 1 li. 6s., cardes, 3s., Bibles, 8s., 1 li. 17s.; pare of tongs & a fire shovell, 3s.,Porcke, 1 li. 10s., Barrills, 12s., 2 li, 5s.; Graine, 3 li., a Fann, sadle, ould Boots & Flax, 1 li. 4 li.; Loome, Harnice & sleas, 2 li., an houre glass & a sive, 2s., 2 li. 2s.; the land the houses stand uppon with the houses & orchard, 80 li.; thirtye acres of Land & medow, 160 li.; 4 Acres & an halfe of medow in Wigwam medow, 13 li. 10s.; pare of scales, weight & ades, 5s.; Monyes, 5 li.; a sixt parte of the saw mill, 5 li.; woolen cloath, 2 li., more Lynnen Cloath, 10s.,2 li. 10s.; and ould chest & a box & an inkhorne, 3s. 6d.; two mares 1 li. 10s.; one grindlestone, 10s., a warming pan, 2s., 12s.; total, 365 li. 1s. 6d.
Attested in Salem court 30 ;4 ;1680, by Abigall Collens, who was appointed administratrix of her husband's estate and an agreement being presented to the court, of the widow and all persons concerned, as also with the approval of the eldest son, it was allowed and confirmed.
John Collins, of Lynn, a ship owner, who died, intestste, having been cast away at sea, and leaving a wife and twelve children, the widow with her relations, judging it most desired Abigail Collins, samuel Collins, Joseph Collins, Andrew Mansfield, Henry Collins, sr., and Henri Collins, jr., to divide his estste, which they have done as follows: to the widdow all moveable estate, both stocke & store within dores and without as her free estate, 111 li, 11s. 6d., which being taken out of the sum of the inventorye, the houses, Lands & medow remain to be disposed, which amount to 253 li. 10s., of which, on third part of the widow during her life, and the other two thirds to the eldest sons, Samuell and Joseph, equally, as they come to age. Samuell having a good trade as a gunsmith, maketh up to him his double portion; and this to be understood the widow to have the use of the whole estate until thee two said sons come of age, and then to have only her thirds, and at her death the whole estate to the two sons, they to pay to each of their brothers and sisters, namely Benjamine, Daniell, Nathaniell, and John, Elizabeth, Marye, Hannah, Loes, and Alice Collins, 10 pounds in current pay, as they come to age, their sister Abigaile Townsend having already received her portion. If any of the children should die before they come of age, then their portion equally to the surviving children, also that Samuell and Joseph Collins are not to leave their mother, but to live with her and carry on her business for her upon consideration of their having the housing and lands as abovesaid, thehouse and lands to stand bound for the payment of the children's portions.
The eldest son giving his consent to the above agreement n the Salemcourt 30:4:1680, it was allowed and confirmed. "Essex County Quarterly Court Files , vol 33, leaves 100, 101."
Name: John Yeomans, Location: Tolland, Invt. 647-06-02. Taken 10 March, 1728-9, by Joseph Hatch, Timothy Hatch and Jonathan Delano. Will dated 28 June, 1725.
I, John Yeomans of Tolland, in the County of Hartford and Colony of Connecticut, in New England, do make and ordain this my last will and Testament: I give to Millicent my wife the 1-3 of all that upland and meadow I shall hereafter give to my two sons, Elisha Yeomans and Elijah Yeomans, during my wife's natural life. I give to my sd. wife the 1-3 of all my moveable estate; also, the lower room of ye west end of my dwelling house and half the cellar under the same, during her widowhood.
I give to my son Elisha Yeomans, whome I ordain with my wife sole executor, also part of my homestead with all the houseing on sd. part hereafter expressed, excepting what I have given to my sd. wife, and that to return to my sd. son Elisha at the end of my sd. wife's widowhood. I give to my son Elisha Yeomans 1-2 of my Entervail meadow, joining to Willimantic River, together with 1-2 of the upland that lies within the fence that incloses above sd. meadow. I give to my son Elisha Yeomans the remaining part of my personal estate.
I give to my son Elijah Yeomans the 1-2 of my Entervail meadow, and upland within the fence that incloses it. I give to my son Elijah the remaining part of my sd. homestead.
I give to my son Eleazer Yeomans all my land lying southward of the land that I have given to my two sons as is before mentioned, that is to say, Elisha and Elijah, and sd. land now given to my sd. son Ebenezer bounds north on Nath. Beary and easterly on Willimantick River.
I give to my son Thomas Yeomans a certain piece of land north of my dwelling house and north of the road that leads from Willimantick River along by my homestead; sd. land bounds east on Capt. Joseph Hatche's land, and bounds north on John Dady's and Timothy Hatche's land, sd. land bounds west on sd. Thomas Yeomans's own land, south on the abovesd. road.
I give to my son John Yeomans, with what he has already, 10 shillings. I give to my daughter, Sarah Knap, 20 in money. I give to my daughter, Elizabeth Yeomans, 40 in money. I give to my daughter Millicent, 40 in money. I give to my daughter Mary Yeomans, 30 in money. I give to my daughter Mabel Yeomans, 30 in money.
Page 28 (Vol. XI) 1st September, 1730: Whereas, the debts due from the estate of John Yeomans, late of Tolland decd., doe altogether or well nigh amount to as much as the moveable part of his estate, and the widow, Millicent Yeomans, moving to this Court that there might be set out to her use so much of the utensils of housekeeping during her widowhood as is necessary, this Court do now set out to the sd. widow, of the moveable estate of her late husband, John Yeomans, for her use during life or widowhood, the sum of 27-04-06. A list of the debts appears on file.
Court Record, Page 16--27 December, 1734: An account of Adms. on the estate of John Yeomans, late of Tolland deceased, was now exhibited in Court by Elisha Yeomans, one of the sons of the sd. deceased, which account is by this Court accepted and ordered to be kept upon file.
Page 56 (Vol. XIV) 5 March, 1744-5; John Yeomans, a minor, 17 years of age, son of John Yeomans, chose Nathaniel Olcott of Hartford to be his guardian. Recog., 200.
Starchmaker, Yeoman; Arrived Boston about October 8, 1635, with wife Ann, 4 children, and 5 servants on the ship Abigail. Embarked (Plymouth) London,England about Jun 30, 1635. Ship was infected with small pox.
From the book, Descendants of John Collins, of Charlestown, RI etc; pg 7:
In Hutton's Orginal List, &c., page 97, and in Drake's reserches, &c., page 35, appears the following;'Vitio Junij, 1635. Aboard the abigail, Robert Hackwell Mr p cert from the Minister of Stepney pish of their conformitie: 1 that they are no subsedy men.
From Newhalls' History of Lynn, MA:
Page 171-"1687-A town meeting was held this year in which Daniel Howe, Richard Walker, and Henry Collins were chosen a Committee to divid the lands, or as it was expressed in the records: 'To lay out ffarmes.' The land was laid out in those parts of town best adapted for cultivation, and the wood lands were reserved as common property, called the ""own Common"" and was not diveded until sixty --nine years afterwards."
Other references to the name of Henry Collins in the public records of Lynn show that he was a man of importance in that community, was frequentlly called upon to perform duties of public trust and confidence, and was sometimes acted as advocate in court trials.
A. Chalkley Collins of Great Barrington, Mass., in a letter dated Aug. 16, 1900, says: "Henry Collins belonged to the Parish of Stepney in the eastern part of the present city of London and worshiped in the old Parish Church at that place. This Parish Church of Stepney, dedicated to Saint Dunstan, is the oldest in East London, and one of the oldest of all London. Before Dunstan rebuilt the church in the tenth century there was a Saxon church there dedicated to all saints. The present church was built in the time of Edward IV, 1471-1483, a few relics of the previous church being preserved. According to the church records several of the children of Henry Collins were baptized in this church, among whom was his son John, ... at the age of eight days on January 22, 1631. Henry's place of abode is recorded in the record as Tatclff Highway, and his business that of starchmaker. His wife, Ann, died at Lynn, Mass., probably in 1690, as her will dated in 1690 was probated in that Year."
From Henry Collins of Lynn by Anna L. P. Collins pp 4-5
Parish records of Saint Dunstan, Stepney, London, England, which was obtained from film 1,037,026, Index of Baptisms, St. Dunsten, Stepney 1568-1620. This record reveals several Collins baptisms from 1576 to 1619, however only one is by the name of Henry Collins, christened 19 Dec 1599, son of Thomas Collins. This record does not match the information provided that Henry was born in 1606, and so this particular record is inconclusive and dependent upon further research.
Film 595,417, Baptisms, St. Dunstan, Stepney Parish, London reads as follows;
This infomation puts doubt on two factors. Was the birth of Henry in 1606, and Henry Collins and Maud Whittacker, as his father and mother , not substanuated, correct, or was the age of Henry false on the original manafest for the "Abigail"?
sources: "Johnson", booklet reprinted from the Essex Genealogist, Vol 3 #2- Vol. 7 #4; Vol 1 #2 & #3 30 pp.; History of Lynn by Newhall; Descendants of John Collins, of Charlestown, RI and Susannah Daggett, his wife by Capt. George Knapp Collins, c:1901 LDS FHS microfilm # 0000513,
In Newhall's History of Lynn appears the following :
Occupation: Farmer; Resided w/ Sir Richard Saltonstall; Resided 1630 Watertown, east edge of Commons; Resided 1637 Lynn, Essex, MA, 40 acres; Freeman 1637; Immigrated 1630 Charlestown; Served 1661 Surveyor; Father-son connection not proved
Sources: EARLY SETTLERS OF ESSEX CO., MA; NEHGR; Lynn Vital Records; Pope's PIONEERS OF MA
Will, 20 May 1666
John, Richard: Charlestown, Propr. 1630 had an acct. with Mr. Saltonstall in Gen. Court 22 March 1630-31. Salem 1637 from 17 May 1637. Removed to Lynn, had grant of land in 1638, Constable 8 July 1645 [Es.Court] He deposed in 1663 at about 51 years. Will dated 20 August, prob 27 Nov 1666, wife: children: Daniel, Samuel, Abigail Collins & Elizabeth Tolman. Widow Alice deeded land to her son Samuel & son-in-law John Collins 24 Dec 1666.
Banks, Daniel Abbott, The Winthrop Fleet Of 1630:
Genealogical Dictionary of New England Settlers
North of the meadows where the men were laboring among tall stalks of ripened corn, the women in the village worked at household chores, while the children, at least those not yet old enough to help ease the burdens of frontier work, played in the streets. Some were within the town's log stockade extended the summer before near the end of the two year war waged by Wampanoag sachem King Phillip - but several cabins were still outside the walls. ...
At 11 on that sunny September morning, when the odors of the midday meal were rising into the tranquil air, a terrifying assault struck Hatfield. Rushing from the undefended north end of the village along Middle Lane (now Hatfield's Main Street), a small band of armed and painted warriors fell upon the houses lying outside the stockade fence. Within minutes, several homes and barns were ablaze and 12 people lay dead.
The story of that day, and the days of captivity to follow, is contained in several town histories, one of the best of those being the detailed The History of Hatfield, by Daniel and Reuben Wells, published in 1910. ...
Who was killed and who was captured as the Indians swept through the northern part of the village seemed largely a matter of chance - that and the amount of resistance each family put up. Those who were most surprised probably survived, albeit as captives, while the women who had time to pick up a gun or to run were killed or left for dead.
Several men were also slain: Two brothers, carpenters John and Isaac Graves, as well as two men from Springfield, were shot from the frame of a structure they were working on that morning. But as some later surmised, it was the house of Benjamin Waite that was the Indians' principal goal.
Waite, who had gained the reputation of being an Indian fighter at the Turners Falls raid on an Indian camp the previous year, was in the fields to the south with the rest of the men. The Indians burned his house and barn and took away his entire family - his pregnant wife, Martha, and three children, Mary, Martha and Sarah, aged 6, 4 and 2. ...
With the firing of Benjamin Waite's house, the wrath of the Indians seemed appeased and they withdrew without entering the stockade's open gates. Also, by the time smoke began curling from under the eaves of Waite's cabin, the men in the meadows had seized their guns - still kept near-to-hand a year after King Phillip's War had ended - and were hurrying toward the village.
The Indians, hastening northward up the valley, forced before them 17 captives. When they reached Deerfield early that evening, they captured four more....
After a halt for the night in the woods north of Deerfield, the Indians - it was later determined they were a band of rogue warriors numbering barely 30 - continued north on a trek that would, after many weeks, take them and their captives to Canada. And although hundreds of New Englanders would later be carried off to Canada during the French and Indian Wars, this was the first of many such journeys. ...
At night the Hatfield prisoners were staked down by the use of cords, and during the day were closely guarded. Eventually the captives' treatment improved and restraints were eliminated, but only after the band had traveled far enough to be secure from pursuit. For a time, however, as the captives later reported, the Indians' rough handling and threats caused them to fear for their lives.
At Hatfield, meanwhile, all was bedlam. Though Benjamin Waite urged immediate pursuit, so stunned were the men by the suddenness of the blow - and. by the blood, flames and smoke they found north of the stockade - that no pursuit of the Indians was attempted that day. Instead, messengers were sent to surrounding towns with a request for assistance.
When a party of would-be rescuers finally set out in pursuit several days later, some of them marching all the way from Hartford, the Indians had vanished. It was only after days of futile search by the soldiers and settlers that Benjamin Waite acted on his own to do what he could to bring the captives back to Hatfield.
The events following the return of the foiled soldiers to Hatfield constitutes one of the great odysseys of frontier life: for in the next eight months Waite, at first alone and later accompanied by Stephen Jennings, would travel more than 1,500 miles through a wilderness still largely pathless, much of that on foot.
Moreover the longest and hardest part of their journey to find and rescue the captives was made during the winter. He and Jennings would take a canoe up the length of Lake George, portage to Lake Champlain, then fight fierce winter weather for several more weeks before finally arriving in Canada.
There they would find the surviving captives - three had died along the way and one, Benoni Stebbins, had escaped - and bring them all, as well as two newborns, back to Hatfield. The two infant girls, named Canada Waite and Captivity Jennings, were born two months apart, Canada Waite on Jan. 22, 1678, and Captivity Jennings 55 days later.
But in Hatfield, with the soldiers recently returned from their disappointing mission of tracking down the Indians, that was all in the future. In fact, no one seemed to know where to look. So surprised had the settlers been by the attack that at first the authorities thought the raid had been staged by normally friendly Mohawks from New York.
Waite, guessing differently, rode alone to Albany to make sure the Mohawks were not the guilty ones, then returned to Springfield on Oct. 4, barely in time to head off an armed expedition about to be mounted against friendly Indians. Then, stopping only long enough to get from his townsmen a petition of authority and aid for an expedition, he pushed on the same day to Boston to seek a pledge of funds for the captives' ransom.
In Boston, Waite met with several delays of officialdom, but eventually received the colony's financial backing for the ransom he was sure he'd have to pay after he tracked down the raiding party; for by now, with information provided by Stebbins' escape from the Indians, he knew a small band of warriors had come down from Canada for the attack. Their motive, aside from revenge for their losses in King Phillip's War, was loot and ransom money.
By Oct. 24 Waite was back in Hatfield. Able to recruit for his journey only a single man, Stephen Jennings, Waite set out almost immediately for Canada by way of New York. Arriving at Albany on the 30th the two men received a cool reception by the town's commander, Capt. Sylvester Salisbury; after making Waite and Jennings cool their heels in an anteroom for several hours, Salisbury suggested they return the next day when he might have time to talk to them.
Having already been delayed too much, however, and wishing to start north before winter set in, they hurried off to Schenectady to secure a guide. But Capt. Salisbury, instead of simply allowing the anxious men to disappear into the wilderness, had them arrested for acting without his authorization.
Salisbury's ruffled dignity cost Waite and Jennings dearly, for they were put under guard and shipped down the Hudson to New York City. There, after getting a chance to tell their story, they eventually received the support of the colony's governor. On Dec.10 - finally out of trouble with Capt. Salisbury - they were back at Albany, but now winter was at hand and the perils of their journey had increased.
Undaunted, Waite and Jennings found a Mohawk guide, who led them over Indian trails as far as the southern shore of Lake George. The guide left them there after fitting out a canoe and drawing a crude map of the regions to the north on a piece of birch bark. The Lake George passage went well, with the men paddling to the lake's northern end in three days.
From there, Waite and Jennings forced their way through the wilderness, carrying their canoe and provisions across three miles of rugged terrain, to reach the shores of Lake Champlain on Dec.16. Then, for six days, fierce winds and high waves delayed them at a place that later became the site of Fort Ticonderoga. By now, ice on the lake had also become a hazard, especially since it was just thick enough to damage their frail canoe, but not so solid that they could walk on it.
Living in shelters they fashioned themselves and with provisions shrinking, the men ate whatever they could find, including some raccoons killed in a hollow tree. Later they found some hard biscuits and brandy left by a hunter in a deserted wigwam. When they did get onto the lake, more often than not they found themselves paddling against bitterly cold headwinds.
Curiously, during much of Waite's and Jennings' odyssey, the captives had been traveling to Canada by another, almost parallel route 100 miles to the east. Shortly after the raid on Hatfield, the Indians had moved into southern Vermont in the hills above Northfield. There they built a long wigwam and remained until Oct.22, just about the time Waite was returning from Boston. It was during this time that Benoni Stebbins escaped with the news that the captives were still alive.
On the 22nd, however, the Indians abandoned their camp and again moved north, traveling 200 miles up the Connecticut valley, then crossing the Green Mountains through deep snow. Of this difficult winter passage, one of the captives taken at Deerfield, Quintin Stockwell, later wrote:
"Here I was frozen, and here again we were like to starve. All the Indians went a hunting but could get nothing; diverse days they powwow'd but got nothing; then they would have us pray to see what the Englishman's god could do. I prayed, so did Sergeant Plympton ... the next day they got bears."
When bear meat ran out, Indians and captives alike went hungry, or ate tree bark fried in bear's grease. "At last," Stockwell wrote, "we found a company of raccoons" (just as Waite and Jennings 100 miles to the west were doing at almost the same moment), "then we made a feast."
It was during this coldest part of the journey through the heavily forested mountains of northern Vermont that two of the young captives died: 9-year-old Samuel Russell and 3-year-old Mary Foote. Whether they simply perished or were killed on the way because they couldn't keep up, none of the other captives ever learned. ...
Sgt. Plympton's fate was more dramatic; he was burned at the stake on the band's arrival in Canada - apparently because he was a soldier and thus hated by the Indians. His friend, Obediah Dickinson, was compelled to join him to the stake, but Dickinson was spared.
Quintin Stockwell nearly died on the journey and all the captives suffered greatly. Describing the passage along the shore of a frozen lake, probably the northern end of Lake Champlain, Stockwell wrote of the exhaustion that caused him to slip repeatedly on the ice:
"I was so spent I had not strength to rise again, but I crept to a tree that lay along and got upon it and there I lay; it was now night, and very sharp weather: I counted no other but I must die there; whilest I was thinking of Death, an Indian... came to me and called me bad names, and told me if I could not go he must knock me in the head. I told him he must then so do; he saw how I had wallowed in that Snow, but could not rise; then he took his Coat, and wrapt me in it, and went back and sent two Indians with a sled."
Such kindnesses, mixed with occasional cruelties, were not uncommon on the trek north. Several of the prisoners, in fact, survived only because of the acts of generosity they received from their captors.
The Indians and their captives arrived in the vicinity of the tiny French settlement of Chambly around the first of January, just a week before Benjamin Waite and Stephen Jennings reached the same village by their more westerly route. It was there on Jan. 6, among the rude huts of French trappers, that the two men received their first solid news of the captives since they'd left Hatfield in October.
Galvanized by the information that most of the captives were still alive, the two weary men pressed on to the nearby village of Sorel, where they found Jennings' wife and several others; they also learned that many of the captives were among the French now, having been pawned off to the trappers for liquor. A few were still with the Indians, but not far away.
After resting a few days and receiving assurance of the captives' safety from the French, Waite and Jennings set out for Quebec to seek the assistance of Gov. Frontenac in arranging the ransom of their friends and kinsmen. With the governor's aid and guarantee, the Indians agreed to accept Waite's promise of a 200 pound payment and released their prisoners into his care. (The money was paid, but only after some grumbling by Boston officials.) It was during those negotiations among Waite, the French authorities and the Indians that Martha Waite gave birth to Canada, and two months 1ater Captivity Jennings was born
Finally, after many delays and a long wait for the Canadian winter to end, the party of Waite, Jennings and the surviving captives set out for Albany on May 2. Accompanied by an escort of soldiers, they arrived there on the 22nd of May.
By now, however, Waite and Jennings were running out of resources. With no money in hand, little food, and with the French soldiers returning to Quebec, Waite appealed to his Hatfield neighbors. In a letter whose text is today emblazoned on a 6 foot-high bronze the Hatfield Public Library, Waite asked for help. The letter, with it's plaintive, almost desperate appeal, is worth citing in its entirety, just as it was written on May 23, 1678:
'To my loving friends and kindred at Hatfield - These few lines are to let you understand that we are arrived at Albany with the captives, and we now stand in need of assistance, for my charges are very greate and heavy and therefore any that have any love to our condition, let it move them to come and help us out in this straight.
The rest of the story is quickly told: Remaining at Albany five days to rest, Waite and his charges arrived on May 27 at Kinderhook, N.Y. (Canterhook in Waite's letter). There they were met by a party from Hatfield with horses and provisions. Within a few days Waite and the redeemed captives were home again and reunited with their families.
Waite, for his trouble, became famous throughout New England, for his letter from Albany was copied and read from every pulpit from Maine to Rhode Island as an example of frontier courage and "God's wonderful bounty." And Hatfield that summer voted to enlarge its stockade.
But, of course, the story has a sequel - or more accurately, several sequels. For one, though little is known about Captivity Jennings, she apparently lived into her 60s, while Canada Waite lived to the ripe old age of 72. At 19, Canada Waite married Joseph Smith and became the great-great-grandmother of Sophia Smith, the founder of Smith Academy in Hatfield and of Smith College.
It's worth noting, too, that Benjamin Waite himself came from Rhode Island, arriving in the Hatfield area sometime in the 1660s. Waite lived to be 62. He was killed by an Indian's bullet as he and other Hatfield farmers rushed to the aid of their northern neighbors during the Deerfield raid in 1704. And while Canada Waite's tombstone is in the Hill Burying Ground in Hatfield, Benjamin Waite was buried in a common grave with others killed at Deerfield.
From King's Cleere, Hampshire; in Visitation of Hampshire.
Arms–Sable, three falcons Argent, beaked, legged and belled Or.
Evidence: Will of Francis Fawkener of King's Cleere, 1662, (Register 39:70) "my brother Edmond Fawconor that is living in New England." The Fawkener pedigree needs study.
John B. Threlfall, "Joseph Robinson of Andover MA", Register 124:310: Edmund Faulkner, one of the purchasers of the tract (which became Andover) from the Indians, was one of the early settlers; he was a prominent man in the affairs of the town during its early years. He made his will 9 Sept. 1684 and died 18 Jan. 1686/7. In his will he wrote: I have excepted one pillow & pillowbere out of my household stuff, which I give to my son in law Joseph Robinson, being willing, would my estate have reacht it, to have manifest my love towards him in a larger manner."
Interestingly, the 1720 Deed just shows a mark (between 'his' and 'mark'), so he no longer used (or owned) a seal. Sadly, Sarah's name is gone, too. To ease your study of the Deed, here's a 'translation' by Rachel's husband Richard, who located the two documents in Rhode Island:
Westerly [RI] Land Evidences Book 1, page 101
and said land being in my possession which being by estimation thirty acres of land more or less___ and bounded as followeth: Beginning at the [great] River at a stake marked on three sides and running east for thirty seven rods to a white oak tree marked on four sides and from said tree northeast around twenty six rods to a stake marked on four sides and from said stake running northwesterly four ____ rods to a stake and from said stake westerly to the River; and bounded by the River to the first mentioned bounds:
for a valuable consideration to me in hand paid by the above said David Lewi[s] to my full satisfaction and consent; and I the above said Austin Odle do by these presents for me my heirs executors and _____ and assigns ___ ___bargain sell and con[vey] the above said thirty acres of land unto the said David Lew[is] his heirs and assigns; with all and singular the liberties and priviledges and appurtenances thereunto belonging or any wise appertaining to have and to hold to possess and ___forever, and in consideration of the above bargained premises I have set to my hand and seal this fourteen day of July one thousand seven hundred and four.
Austin* Odle (his seal)
the above said Austin Odle properly appeared before me the day and year above said and acknowledged the above written instrument to be his act and deed
The above written deed
[The second deed was found in Westerly [RI] Land Evidences Book 3, page 39 but has not been transcribed.]
If Isaac Perkins of Ipswich was a man of middle age, which we have no means of knowing, he and Alice may have been the parents of Abraham and Isaac Perkins who turned up in Hampton, not far down the coast, where Abraham took the Freeman's Oath in 1640 and Isaac in 1642. These men are presumed to have been brothers. Abraham named a son Luke, not a common name, and John Perkins of Hillmorton and Ipswich had an uncle Luke, a brother Luke, and a grandson Luke. [Davis does not list a brother Abraham for the Isaac bap 26 Jan 1611/2.]
See Andrew Peters Land Records
Essex Antiquarian 1:134: Andrew, of Ipswich and Andover, came here some time after the arrival of Mary Beamsley, and an amusing account of Andrew's arrival and first experience of Boston mud is given in a private manuscript belonging to Rev. Anson Titus. He is called a young Holland by the lady who was watching, and his notice was attracted, leading to a marriage.
Peters p.2: The Wilson manuscript gives us the first glimpse of our earliest ancestor in this country. Mercy Beamsley was one day standing at her window to watch the people wading through the trails, whiich then served as streets, when her attention was attracted by "a young Holland" picking his way through the mud. Andrew Peeters had just arrived, and looking up he saw her watching. He then and there resolved to marry her.
Peters p.xv: From the date of his death and of a deposition made in Salem, we find him to have been born in 1634 or 1635. He came to this country a young man, well educated, as his will shows, somewhat remarkably so for those days, in fact; for if, after a life of farming and distilling (some sixteen years of these being largely taken up with fighting Indians), his hand and mind were still so docile to the pen as to write and spell as he does in his will, it seems probable that he possessed a liberal education.
It is also evident that he came to this country well provided with money and that he possessed, or acquired, a social position which gave him the title of Mr., a word of meaning in those days.
Inferences point to a residence in Holland; some have consequently inferred him to be Dutch. It is safe, flatly, to contradict this theory. If in law a man is judged innocent until he is proved guilty, so among the early settlers of New England it is safe to assert that a man is English until he has been proved a foreigner. Were he the latter he would be referred to as the Dutchman, would not be persona grata among his neighbors, and his spelling and writing arts which he would be little called upon to exercise after his emigration would assuredly not be of the character found in his will.
His education was certainly all European, whether Continental or British. The spelling of his name, Peeters, is or, was, a recognized one in the west of England. It is by no means impossible that he came to New England from New York, from Virginia, or even from the West Indies, and not directly from Europe.
Posted By: Father John
Subject: Susan or Sarah Haldane & Wm Duncan
Post Date: February 12, 1999 at 05:42:17
Message URL: http://genforum.genealogy.com/haldane/messages/11.html
Forum: Haldane Family Genealogy Forum
Forum URL: http://genforum.genealogy.com/haldane/
The individuals of whom I most often get questions from my web page are Susan (or Sarah) Haldane and William Duncan.
I have searched the Old Parish Records of Scotland, "The Haldanes of Gleneagles" book, and my other records on the Haldane name compiled over 23 years and I have never found them, but I do offer the following information to those interested.
Since there are so few Haldanes with the given name, Richard, there is a possibility that this is an unrecorded line in the following family:
Richard Haldane of Gleneagles, son of James Haldane and Margaret Erskine, was born about 1525 and died November 1606. His wife's name is unknown, but he had 3 children recorded in the Gleneagles book: Ninian, Humphrey, and Agnes.
My notes on this Richard (from the Gleneagles book) are as follows:
Richard was a witness on 11th December 1545 to the contract between James Haldane and Stirling of Keir. He was a witness also to the contract of marriage of his nephew, George Haldane, and together with his own brother Robert was concerned in the matrimonial arrangements of another nephew, George's younger brother John. In these arrangements he is referred to, by a reliable and contemporary authority, as 'uncle' of John Haldane.
Richard, as Sub-Dean of Dunkeld Cathedral, witnessed numerous documents between 1575 and 1584. While still holding that office he was granted on 1st March 1589 by David Erskine, Commendator of Inchmahome, who had married his niece, a lease of the teinds of various lands in the barony of Cardross. Before this date, on 29th November 1583, he had been given remission for the Raid of Ruthven.
On 26th August 1592 he appears in a more militant guise than that of Sub-Dean, being by that date Constable of Stirling Castle, of which stronghold his cousin, John, Earl of Mar, was Keeper. During his tenure of that office the eldest son of James VI and Anne, second daughter of Frederick II of Denmark, was born in the castle, and on 30th August 1594 the christening service, which was attended by numerous foreign representatives, was held there.
Richard was also Constable when James was in residence there shortly before he departed from Scotland to take possession of the English crown. He continued to retain that post until his death.
In 1597 a contract was signed between him and Mar, to whom he assigned a tack of the teinds of the town and lands of Cowie. In return the earl engaged to pay him £160 Scots, and to 'hald, enterteny and sustein' the said Richard during his lifetime according to his 'accustomet manner and forme of entertenyment that he had had of onie tyme befoir of the said erle.' The contract further sets forth that the earl was to pay 600 merks at the first term after Richard's death in full satisfaction of the assignment made. This sum was eventually paid to Richard's natural daughter.
In his will mention is made of the fact that there was due to him the silver duty of a portion of the lands of the sub-deanery of Dunkeld. His death occurred in November 1606, when he would be over eighty years old. It is not known whom he married, but he left lawful issue two sons."
His son, Ninian, is noted only with one son, James. But if he had more sons, it would be possible he named one Richard, after his father. My notes on Ninian:
"Ninian, who was master-porter of Stirling Castle in 1608, and held that post until his death, which occurred before 1662. On 2nd February 1608 he was admitted, gratis, a burgess of the burgh of Stirling at the request of Mr. Patrick Simson, minister, and the rest of the ministers 'quha were laitlie wairdit in the Castell, and the said Niniane maid faith as use is, and actit himself not to exerce the said libertie within the said Castell, under the pane of fourtie pounds toties quoties.
These Presbyterian ministers, with others who were warded in Blackness, had attended the Assembly at Aberdeen in 1605, although the Privy Council, at James's instigation, had forbidden all persons to appear at such a meeting. For about one year the disobedient clergymen were detained in the castle by the King.
On 23rd August 1618, John Spottswood, Archbishop of Glasgow, wrote from there to the Lord Chancellor (Alexander Seton, first Earl of Dunfermline) to inform him that he had been at Stirling on the previous Sunday, and understood from Mr. Patrick Simson (the same divine who had recommended Ninian to be made a burgess), that sum trouble is su[re] to arryse between the Erle of Mar his servantis and sum of my Lord Lynlithgow his friendis be occasion of ane insolence committet, as they say, be o[ne] Haddon, that is porter of the castil, quho has beatit a sonne of Mr Hary Levingston, minister of St. Ninians ... '
The Archbishop suggested that the parties should be warned to appear before the Chancellor and 'efter tryal, the offender be punischeit, for,' he added, 'I heir the young man thinkis not to complain esteming his remeid wilbe smal that way.' On 1st December 1618 Ninian got sasine of the lands of Mossyde. Before that date he had married Agnes Allen, by whom he had a son."
Of Richard's son, Humphrey, only this is recorded: "Humphrey is mentioned as a witness to a charter dated 1st March 1610, at which time he was a servant of John Anderson, tailor burgess of Stirling. He is named as executor of his father Richard's will."
There are no other Richards in the Haldane tree until 1856, when Richard Burdon Sanderson Haldane was born to Robert Haldane and Mary Elizabeth Burdon-Sanderson. This Richard was the brother of John Scott Haldane, the famous physiologist, who in turn was the father of John Burdon Sanderson (JBS) Haldane.
In the OPR marriage records, I find no Richard Hadden. There is one Richard Haddin who married Helene Sinclair 30 April 1663 in North Berwick, East Lothian. Also a Ritcherd Haddon who married Agnes Hoggone 12 Dec 1654 in Perth. The only Richard Haldane mentioned married Mary Maxwell 13 Feb 1853 in Barony, Lanark. A Richart Halden married Issobel Rudderfourd (probably Rutherford) 21 Dec 1705 in Peebles. And that is all I can find in the Marriage OPR.
In the OPR list I have compiled of children born to Haldane, Halden, Hadden, etc. names, there are 22 children listed with a father named Richard H. None of those children is named Susan or Sarah. But 19 of the births were in the 17th century (the other 3 being early 18th century). Ten of the children born to a Richard H. were born in Perth, four in Peebles, four in North Berwick.
One couple, Richard Haddin (also spelled Haddine) and Eupham Harlaw (Harlay, Harley) had Janett 1671 in Perth, John in 1673 Perth, Margaret 1675 Perth, John in 1678 Linlithgow, Christian in 1682 Stirling, and Patrick in 1686 Perth.
Another couple, perhaps the parents of this Richard and Eupham, were Richard Haddine and Agnes Hoggine (Hogvie) who had 5 children, all in Perth: Ritchard 1656, Agnes 1659, Elspeth 1662, Robert 1664, and James 1666.
None of these people is connected to Gleneagles that I can find.
In the OPR marriage data that I have compiled (no guarantee my data is complete, but it has been compiled from the LDS computer records), there is no one named Susan or Sarah H. married to anyone named Duncan. I also find only one William Duncan married to a Haldane/Hadden, etc., that being Margaret Hadden in 1738, St. Nicholas, Aberdeen.
That is all I can find on this Susan/Sarah Haldane, for whom I receive half a dozen queries a year.
An interesting side point is that the Duncans and Haldanes of Gleneagles did have a relationship in the 18th century. Alexander Duncan of Lundie married Helen Haldane (d, May 1777) and their son, Adam, succeeded to Gleneagles on the death of his cousin, George Augustus Haldane, in about 1799. He was forced to sell a great portion of the estate to pay debts and so the Gleneagles estate, once very large and prominent, fell to the small size remaining today. It eventually passed back to the Haldane descendants where it remains today.
This is the extent of the Haldane/Duncan connection as far as I can tell.
I hope this has been helpful and not too wordy for a note that really provides you with no definitive answers on the Susan or Sarah Haldane and William Duncan so many people seek.
My will is that after my wifes decease my whole Estate shall be prized and sett to sale. The whole estate that is then left to be equally distributed amongst all my Children, namely Anne Woodward, Grace Graves, Mercy Wilborne, Hannah Beamsley, Edward Bushnell, Elizabeth Page, Mary Robison, and in casae any of those dye unpossessed, it shall returne to the next heyre. ... 14 Sep 1658."
Inventory of ye Estate of ye Late Ensigne Wm Bramsly (who departed this life the 29th Sept last,) taken this 15 Oct 1658. Apprized p. Thos Clark, Allex Adames, Jno Richards. Amt £251.14.01. House & Land at Boston £140. Land at Muddy River £4. Due Mr. Wm Payne £4. Martha Beamsly, widow of William, deposed 28 Oct 1658.